共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 62 毫秒
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如何充分发挥小型通信干扰装备的作战效能是指挥员面临的棘手问题。本文将战术指标——干扰后的通信畅通区覆盖程度作为评估通信干扰装备分配优劣的指标,分别建立了单机和多部干扰时的通信干扰有效压制区和通信畅通区边界的计算模型,并给出了通信干扰有效压制区和通信畅通区面积的计算方法。构建了基于机会约束规划的空域频域通信干扰任务分配模型,并设计了混合蚁群算法和遗传算法的模型求解算法。最后进行了仿真实验,验证分析了模型和算法的合理性。研究成果为通信对抗战术计算和作战运用研究拓展了思路。 相似文献
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多无人机协同任务分配问题是一个多目标优化问题,将多目标优化问题转化为单目标优化问题的传统方法易造成决策的主观性和片面性.为帮助决策者做出科学决策,提出了一种基于分解的多目标布谷鸟搜索算法用于求解多无人机协同任务分配问题.通过对多无人机协同任务分配问题分析,建立了多无人机协同任务分配模型.将布谷鸟搜索算法的两个关键组件转化为多目标优化算法的繁殖算子,并结合一种自适应算子选择策略,构成了多目标布谷鸟搜索算法.设计了一种新的编码方案,将带约束的多目标优化问题转为无约束的多目标优化问题.仿真实验表明,多目标布谷鸟搜索算法能有效求解多无人机协同任务分配问题. 相似文献
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任务分配问题是智能体集群研究的基础关键问题之一,UUV集群在任务分配问题方面受到水下探测和通信能力的限制,UUV个体只能获得周围局部信息,常规的全局算法无法得到很好的应用。提出了一种基于深度强化学习和分布式UUV集群组织架构的任务分配算法,算法首先实现每个UUV个体的局部任务分配,其次相邻的个体之间进行信息一致协调,从而实现UUV集群的最优化任务分配。仿真实验结果表明,所提算法相较遗传算法收敛更快,相较合同网算法通信量小,任务分配效率高,且分布式架构不依赖“指挥中心”,UUV集群系统的鲁棒性更高,任务分配可靠性更高。 相似文献
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基于合同网的任务分配机制广泛应用于各领域的多Agent系统中,以解决分布式任务分配问题。在分析经典合同网协议优缺点的基础上,提出了分阶段筛选与招投标协商相结合的任务分配模型。通过招投标的可计算性评估,将主要计算任务放在招投标Agent内部进行并且缩小招投标范围,从而减少通信并提高效率;通过动态确定评估指标提高了机制的通用性。 相似文献
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为优化反潜机声呐浮标阵列通信干扰平台和功率选择设计,基于反潜机声呐浮标典型布阵,构建了4种声呐浮标阵列模型,分析浮标通信组网稳定性以及不同阵列公共畅通区,提出以公共畅通区干扰遮盖率为指标,对不同浮标阵列干扰功率进行了分析。仿真实验结果表明:该方法对反潜机与浮标阵列的通信阻塞式干扰有效,且干扰遮盖率与干扰功率近似成正比,干扰功率与干扰距离的平方成正比;闭合阵列比非闭合阵列对干扰功率的变化更敏感。据此可针对性选择干扰功率和平台,对工程实现具有指导性。 相似文献
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Douglas Mastriano 《Defense & Security Analysis》2017,33(1):68-76
Recent events demonstrate the complex and adaptive approach employed by Russia to reassert influence in Europe. The changing face of Russia’s strategy commenced in 2007 when it launched a crippling cyber-attack against Estonia. This was followed by a large Russian conventional attack against Georgia in 2008, occupying two large areas of the nation. 2014 witnessed the Russian annexation of Crimea where in just a week, Russia seized control of Crimea “without firing a shot.” The annexation of Crimea was rapidly followed by a Russian inspired and led subversive war in eastern Ukraine. The common thread among these diverse Russian operations is its use of ambiguity to confound and confuse decision makers in the West. 相似文献
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Namrata Goswami 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(1):66-86
The Indian Army, a force trained primarily for conventional warfare, has been engaged in internal counter-insurgency operations since the 1950s. Despite such a long innings on a counter-insurgency mode, little attention has been accorded within military circles to doctrinal innovation for waging sub-conventional warfare in India's democratic political context. At best, the Army continues to view counter-insurgency duty as secondary to its primary duty of defending India from external conventional threats. By conceptualizing a counter-insurgency strategy of ‘trust and nurture’, this article aims to fill this critical doctrinal gap in India's military policy. The author argues that a counter-insurgency strategy of ‘trust and nurture’ based on democratic political culture, measured military methods, special counter-insurgency forces, local social and cultural awareness and an integrative nation-building approach will result in positive handling of India's internal security problems. The author utilizes India's counter-insurgency experiences in Assam, Mizoram, Nagaland, Punjab, and Operation ‘Sadhbhavana’ in Jammu and Kashmir as illustrative empirical indicants in order to validate the ‘trust and nurture’ strategy. 相似文献
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In the Post-Bipolar Era the growing complexity of the military operations requires a new approach for the resolution of international crises. Since the end of the Cold War, peace support operations (PSO) have become the mainstay and principal occupation of most Western armies. At the same time, Italy has been one of the most important actors in such an area. The article focuses on the cooperation between military and civil components (a process called CIMIC) as a key variable in the Italian PSOs. We will analyse in detail the main lessons learned from past military interventions as well as the general context in which new tendencies are taking place. The maintaining of a minimum security frame becomes essential to fulfil activities ‘collateral’ to the mission: reconstructing services and infrastructure, food distribution, water and medication, law and order, de-mining, training of local forces, and supporting local institutions. These are the main tasks to obtain thrust and support from the population. 相似文献
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Lord Aikins Adusei 《African Security Review》2013,22(3):332-359
Energy continues to serve as the bedrock of modern economies and the main driver of modern society. For Africa, the production and supply of energy resources such as crude oil, natural gas, uranium, coal, biomass, biofuels and other renewables are an important source of employment, rents, taxes, royalties and profits. This sector brings in several tens of billions of dollars of revenue annually. The production and delivery of such resources, however, depend on critical infrastructures such as pipelines, refineries, processing plants, terminals, rigs, electrical energy pylons, substations, pump stations, vessels, and tankers. These infrastructures have been attacked by terrorists, insurgents, vandals and saboteurs, all of whom see them as targets against which to register their grievances and extract concessions from the state. This paper is a chronological account of some of the documented incidents of terrorism, insurgency, kidnapping, destruction, sabotage, and human casualties suffered in the oil and gas sectors in Africa between 1999 and 2012. It is based on data extracted from the databases of the RAND Database of World Terrorism Incidents and the University of Maryland's Global Terrorism Database (GTD). 相似文献
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This article demonstrates the inconsistent and wavering Soviet attitude towards national liberation movements in general and the Palestinian organizations in particular. Until the late 1960s, the Soviets viewed these organizations with suspicion, hesitating to engage in political dialogue with them. However, in the 1970s, political and military events in the region, as well as modifications in the Kremlin's Cold War strategies, led to a general shift towards the Middle East in Soviet foreign policy. Soviet leaders showed increased willingness to provide certain Palestinian organizations with arms with which to conduct terrorist activities against Israeli, pro-Israeli, Jewish and Western targets. The article explores the complex relations between Palestinian organizations and the USSR in the field of international terror. The study also exposes and analyzes the nature and content of Soviet–Palestinian arms dialogues and transactions. It provides clear evidence that Soviet policymakers and other luminaries were fully informed of, and sometimes directly involved in, these transactions and dialogues at the highest levels. 相似文献
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Paul Rich 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(1):39-56
The September 11 global crisis prompted by the attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon raises major questions concerning the nature and trajectory of terrorism in the post-Cold War global order. Hitherto, terrorism has been largely debated by analysts at the level of nation states. Terrorist and insurgent movements have also been largely anchored in nationalist and ethnic power bases even when they have sought to mobilise a transnational ideological appeal on religious or class grounds. There have been a few exceptions to this pattern such as the alliance between the German Baader-Meinhof group and the Japanese Red Army Faction, but even such international alliances as this did not, until at least the 1980s, presage anything like a global terrorist network necessitating a global strategic response. This study examines terrorism and global strategic responses. 相似文献
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John Hussey Ian F.W. Beckett Hew Strachan Michael T. Isenberg 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(1):158-163
Douglas S. Derrer, We Are All the Target: A Handbook of Terrorism Avoidance and Hostage Survival. Annapolis, MD: US Naval Institute Press, 1992. Pp. x+135, notes, index. $14.95. ISBN 01–55750–150–5 Ian Knight, Zulu: Isandlwana and Rorke's Drift, 22–23 January 1879. London: Windrow & Greene, 1992. Pp.136, 150 illus., incl 8 colour plates, maps, biblio. £35. ISBN 1–872004–23–7 Ian Knight, By the Orders of the Great White Queen: Campaigning in Zululand through the Eyes of the British Soldiers, 1879. London: Greenhill Books and Novato: Presidio Press, 1992. Pp. 272, 17 illus., 1 map. £18.95. ISBN 1–85367–122–3 Manfried Rauchensteiner and Erwin A. Schmidl (eds.), Formen des Krieges: vom Mittelalter zum ‘Low‐intensity’ Conflict’. Graz : Verlag Styria, 1991. Pp.208. DM35. ISBN 3–22–12139–7 Harold J. Kearsley, Maritime Power and the Twenty‐First Century. Dartmouth: Dartmouth Publishing Company, Limited, 1992. Pp.xv + 203, 13 diagrams, index. £32.50. ISBN 1–85521–288–9 相似文献
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Jelmer Brouwer 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(5):835-856
This article analyses to what extent the Burmese KNU insurgency made use of external support from states, refugees, and diasporas. Based on extensive fieldwork it is concluded that support from neighbouring states and refugees has for years kept the Karen rebellion alive. Western countries perceived forms of resistance to the illegitimate Burmese regime as just and have therefore played a crucial role in the continuation of conflict in Karen State. It is important that policymakers and donors as well as executing organizations continue to reflect critically on the way they exercise their work. 相似文献