共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 78 毫秒
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针对传统的基于协方差控制的传感器管理算法使用全遍历方法所造成的计算量大,以及传感器切换频繁的问题,提出了一种基于改进协方差控制的传感器管理算法。该算法在每一时刻首先判断前一时刻所用传感器组是否能够满足目标跟踪需求,以滤波协方差与期望协方差的偏差作为参考,结合量纲变换和特征值求取,为协方差偏差矩阵经过量纲变换后得到的量纲一致阵的所有特征值设定一个精度阈值,然后判断滤波协方差是否满足期望,从而决定是否维持当前选择的传感器组。在目标作匀速、匀加速、协同转弯等多种场景下进行了算法性能测试分析,仿真结果表明,该算法不仅在大部分场景下满足目标跟踪精度,而且能够提高传感器管理算法的实时性,同时降低传感器的切换频率。 相似文献
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传感器管理是信息融合技术的重要研究方向,以往的传感器管理算法主要是针对线性融合系统,现实中非线性系统更为普遍,而针对非线性融合系统的传感器管理算法研究较少。粒子滤波是目前非线性领域中应用最广的滤波算法,该算法的主要思想是使用一个带有权值的粒子集合来表示系统的后验概率密度。Unscented粒子滤波采用Unscented卡尔曼滤波计算提议概率密度分布,粒子的产生充分考虑当前时刻的量测,使得粒子的分布更加接近状态的后验概率分布。针对非线性系统,提出了一种基于Unscented粒子滤波的传感器管理算法。首先利用Unscented粒子滤波对目标进行状态估计,求出目标的协方差;然后利用信息熵计算目标的信息增量;最后利用信息增量最大对传感器资源进行分配,并对该算法进行了仿真。 相似文献
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在雷达组网系统的多目标跟踪过程中,当目标数量过多时,由于传感器资源不足,无法使用传统传感器的管理方法进行资源分配,且运算时间过长,不满足工程实际需求。针对以上问题,提出了一种新的多传感器多目标跟踪任务快速分配算法,该算法将跟踪目标个数和跟踪目标精度作为优化目标,首先按照设定的分配准则对传感器进行一次分配,最大化跟踪目标个数;然后利用一种基于传感器排序的启发式传感器分配方法进行二次分配,通过控制跟踪目标的协方差水平,使目标的跟踪精度尽量接近期望值。仿真结果表明,该算法能够在较短的时间内对多传感器进行有效快速地分配,既跟踪了更多的目标,又达到了期望目标的跟踪精度,并且在一定程度上控制资源消耗,减少系统的总耗能。 相似文献
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针对基于多传感器组网进行机动目标跟踪的传感器管理问题,提出了一种基于Rényi信息增量的机动目标协同跟踪算法。首先结合"当前"统计模型和交互式多模型不敏卡尔曼滤波算法设计了一种变结构多模型算法,来进行机动目标的状态估计;然后以Rényi信息增量为评价准则,选择使Rényi信息增量最大的单个传感器进行目标跟踪;最后利用得到的最优加速度估计进行网格划分,更新变结构多模型中的模型集合。在一般机动及强机动场景下进行了算法性能分析,仿真结果表明,该算法能够合理地选择传感器,提高了对机动目标的跟踪精度。 相似文献
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Douglas Mastriano 《Defense & Security Analysis》2017,33(1):68-76
Recent events demonstrate the complex and adaptive approach employed by Russia to reassert influence in Europe. The changing face of Russia’s strategy commenced in 2007 when it launched a crippling cyber-attack against Estonia. This was followed by a large Russian conventional attack against Georgia in 2008, occupying two large areas of the nation. 2014 witnessed the Russian annexation of Crimea where in just a week, Russia seized control of Crimea “without firing a shot.” The annexation of Crimea was rapidly followed by a Russian inspired and led subversive war in eastern Ukraine. The common thread among these diverse Russian operations is its use of ambiguity to confound and confuse decision makers in the West. 相似文献
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Namrata Goswami 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(1):66-86
The Indian Army, a force trained primarily for conventional warfare, has been engaged in internal counter-insurgency operations since the 1950s. Despite such a long innings on a counter-insurgency mode, little attention has been accorded within military circles to doctrinal innovation for waging sub-conventional warfare in India's democratic political context. At best, the Army continues to view counter-insurgency duty as secondary to its primary duty of defending India from external conventional threats. By conceptualizing a counter-insurgency strategy of ‘trust and nurture’, this article aims to fill this critical doctrinal gap in India's military policy. The author argues that a counter-insurgency strategy of ‘trust and nurture’ based on democratic political culture, measured military methods, special counter-insurgency forces, local social and cultural awareness and an integrative nation-building approach will result in positive handling of India's internal security problems. The author utilizes India's counter-insurgency experiences in Assam, Mizoram, Nagaland, Punjab, and Operation ‘Sadhbhavana’ in Jammu and Kashmir as illustrative empirical indicants in order to validate the ‘trust and nurture’ strategy. 相似文献
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In the Post-Bipolar Era the growing complexity of the military operations requires a new approach for the resolution of international crises. Since the end of the Cold War, peace support operations (PSO) have become the mainstay and principal occupation of most Western armies. At the same time, Italy has been one of the most important actors in such an area. The article focuses on the cooperation between military and civil components (a process called CIMIC) as a key variable in the Italian PSOs. We will analyse in detail the main lessons learned from past military interventions as well as the general context in which new tendencies are taking place. The maintaining of a minimum security frame becomes essential to fulfil activities ‘collateral’ to the mission: reconstructing services and infrastructure, food distribution, water and medication, law and order, de-mining, training of local forces, and supporting local institutions. These are the main tasks to obtain thrust and support from the population. 相似文献
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Lord Aikins Adusei 《African Security Review》2013,22(3):332-359
Energy continues to serve as the bedrock of modern economies and the main driver of modern society. For Africa, the production and supply of energy resources such as crude oil, natural gas, uranium, coal, biomass, biofuels and other renewables are an important source of employment, rents, taxes, royalties and profits. This sector brings in several tens of billions of dollars of revenue annually. The production and delivery of such resources, however, depend on critical infrastructures such as pipelines, refineries, processing plants, terminals, rigs, electrical energy pylons, substations, pump stations, vessels, and tankers. These infrastructures have been attacked by terrorists, insurgents, vandals and saboteurs, all of whom see them as targets against which to register their grievances and extract concessions from the state. This paper is a chronological account of some of the documented incidents of terrorism, insurgency, kidnapping, destruction, sabotage, and human casualties suffered in the oil and gas sectors in Africa between 1999 and 2012. It is based on data extracted from the databases of the RAND Database of World Terrorism Incidents and the University of Maryland's Global Terrorism Database (GTD). 相似文献
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This article demonstrates the inconsistent and wavering Soviet attitude towards national liberation movements in general and the Palestinian organizations in particular. Until the late 1960s, the Soviets viewed these organizations with suspicion, hesitating to engage in political dialogue with them. However, in the 1970s, political and military events in the region, as well as modifications in the Kremlin's Cold War strategies, led to a general shift towards the Middle East in Soviet foreign policy. Soviet leaders showed increased willingness to provide certain Palestinian organizations with arms with which to conduct terrorist activities against Israeli, pro-Israeli, Jewish and Western targets. The article explores the complex relations between Palestinian organizations and the USSR in the field of international terror. The study also exposes and analyzes the nature and content of Soviet–Palestinian arms dialogues and transactions. It provides clear evidence that Soviet policymakers and other luminaries were fully informed of, and sometimes directly involved in, these transactions and dialogues at the highest levels. 相似文献
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Paul Rich 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(1):39-56
The September 11 global crisis prompted by the attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon raises major questions concerning the nature and trajectory of terrorism in the post-Cold War global order. Hitherto, terrorism has been largely debated by analysts at the level of nation states. Terrorist and insurgent movements have also been largely anchored in nationalist and ethnic power bases even when they have sought to mobilise a transnational ideological appeal on religious or class grounds. There have been a few exceptions to this pattern such as the alliance between the German Baader-Meinhof group and the Japanese Red Army Faction, but even such international alliances as this did not, until at least the 1980s, presage anything like a global terrorist network necessitating a global strategic response. This study examines terrorism and global strategic responses. 相似文献
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John Hussey Ian F.W. Beckett Hew Strachan Michael T. Isenberg 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(1):158-163
Douglas S. Derrer, We Are All the Target: A Handbook of Terrorism Avoidance and Hostage Survival. Annapolis, MD: US Naval Institute Press, 1992. Pp. x+135, notes, index. $14.95. ISBN 01–55750–150–5 Ian Knight, Zulu: Isandlwana and Rorke's Drift, 22–23 January 1879. London: Windrow & Greene, 1992. Pp.136, 150 illus., incl 8 colour plates, maps, biblio. £35. ISBN 1–872004–23–7 Ian Knight, By the Orders of the Great White Queen: Campaigning in Zululand through the Eyes of the British Soldiers, 1879. London: Greenhill Books and Novato: Presidio Press, 1992. Pp. 272, 17 illus., 1 map. £18.95. ISBN 1–85367–122–3 Manfried Rauchensteiner and Erwin A. Schmidl (eds.), Formen des Krieges: vom Mittelalter zum ‘Low‐intensity’ Conflict’. Graz : Verlag Styria, 1991. Pp.208. DM35. ISBN 3–22–12139–7 Harold J. Kearsley, Maritime Power and the Twenty‐First Century. Dartmouth: Dartmouth Publishing Company, Limited, 1992. Pp.xv + 203, 13 diagrams, index. £32.50. ISBN 1–85521–288–9 相似文献
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Jelmer Brouwer 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(5):835-856
This article analyses to what extent the Burmese KNU insurgency made use of external support from states, refugees, and diasporas. Based on extensive fieldwork it is concluded that support from neighbouring states and refugees has for years kept the Karen rebellion alive. Western countries perceived forms of resistance to the illegitimate Burmese regime as just and have therefore played a crucial role in the continuation of conflict in Karen State. It is important that policymakers and donors as well as executing organizations continue to reflect critically on the way they exercise their work. 相似文献