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1.
1.引言 用于惯性导航的捷联系统其特点是它的敏感元件感受高的动态范围。因此,在选择系统姿态算法时需要考虑基座高频运动的影响。 通常捷联系统用的姿态算法有欧拉法、方向余弦法和四元数法、在这些算法中,四元数方法是最常用的,其优点是没有奇异性、简单和节省计算时间。最近,伯斯、泽旦和米勒提出了旋转矢量的概念,进一步改进了四元数方法的性能。事实证明,附加了旋转矢量概念的四元数方法能有效的抑制非交换误差这一姿态计算中的重要误差源。  相似文献   

2.
在开发反辐射武器攻击目标的三维飞行仿真系统中或分析处理三维运动数据时,针对传统的运动姿态旋转方法存在计算繁琐、旋转不均匀性及平衡环锁定等局限问题,采用四元数法可以避免这些局限,并且几何意义明确,计算简单。因此,提出在飞行仿真系统中利用四元数法来实现反辐射武器的运动姿态及飞行速度矢量的旋转,在飞行仿真试验中实现了飞行轨迹变化光滑连续的合理效果,仿真结果表明四元数法简化了矢量旋转计算模型,优化了解算性能,能够很好地应用于反辐射武器飞行仿真试验中。  相似文献   

3.
在总结旋转四元数方法和旋转矢量三子样优化算法的基础上,以高动态栽体为对象,将2种航姿算法在Matlab环境下进行了仿真对比.仿真结果表明,在典型圆锥运动下,旋转四元数方法没有补偿不可交换误差,解算精度较低.旋转矢量优化算法在高动态栽体的航姿解算中的姿态描述是有效和适用的.  相似文献   

4.
介绍了四元数的定义、代数运算、三角形式和指数形式以及球面表示形式;综述了四元数在刚体姿态控制,计算机三维图像旋转,彩色图像处理和信号处理分析等实际应用中表示的物理含义,着重探讨了四元数理论在火控领域中应用方法,并对比传统欧拉角火控模型,分析了应用四元数火控模型的优点。最后从理论上得出,四元数理论方法在常规兵器火控系统有广阔的应用前景。  相似文献   

5.
为了提高捷联惯导姿态解算的精度,介绍了捷联惯导姿态更新的流程及常用方法,并提出了一种改进的等效旋转矢量姿态解算算法。对改进算法的姿态解算算法在低动态条件和高动态条件下分别进行了仿真实验,结果表明改进算法在低动态条件下的姿态解算精度和毕卡四元数法相当,在高动态条件下的姿态解算精度远高于传统毕卡四元数法。  相似文献   

6.
针对非正交转轴二自由度旋转支架的刚体姿态控制问题,应用四元数方法,讨论了非正交转轴非正交参数的辩识方法,给出了姿态控制信号与姿态四元数参数之间的关系和一种具有全局指数渐进稳定性的四元数参数姿态控制方法。  相似文献   

7.
一种改进的扩展旋转矢量姿态算法   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
在分析扩展旋转矢量姿态算法的基础上,基于典型圆锥运动理论以及迭代算法的思想推导了一种面向四子样的改进扩展旋转矢量优化算法.给出了较为详细的算法推导过程和具体公式.为检验改进算法的有效性,先后采用传统的四元数法、扩展旋转矢量法以及改进算法,对载体的典型圆锥运动进行了计算机仿真研究.结果表明,该优化算法不仅改变了捷联惯性导航系统中陀螺子样的利用方式,而且提高了系统旋转矢量的计算精度以及姿态算法的实时性.  相似文献   

8.
采用单位四元数的旋转约束RRT路径规划   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
针对船舶虚拟原型设计时装配拆卸路径规划中的旋转约束问题,提出了一种基于快速随机探索树的旋转约束路径规划算法。该算法首先针对三维空间中的旋转提出了一种新的单位四元组随机采样函数,然后将单位四元数内积引入到C空间距离度量函数中,对路径中的旋转变化量进行控制。实验证明:该算法能够对刚体的旋转范围进行有效控制,同时还降低了运动过程中的旋转变化量。  相似文献   

9.
首先仿真分析了传统导航算法对旋转弹的适应性,并对其局限性产生的原因进行了分析。基于此,提出了3种不同的思路,分别为基于弹体系、准弹体系和四元数运动学的四元数更新算法,并进行了仿真分析。结果表明,这3种思路对提高旋转弹导航精度都起到了有利的作用。  相似文献   

10.
首先仿真分析了传统导航算法对旋转弹的适应性,并对其局限性产生的原因进行了分析。基于此,提出了3种不同的思路,分别为基于弹体系、准弹体系和四元数运动学的四元数更新算法,并进行了仿真分析。结果表明,这3种思路对提高旋转弹导航精度都起到了有利的作用。  相似文献   

11.
新形势下新疆高校思想政治工作面临着新情况、新问题。高校是新疆意识形态领域反分裂斗争的主战场,本文就如何进一步加强新疆高校形态领域反分裂斗争提出了具体的建议和对策。  相似文献   

12.
This article demonstrates the inconsistent and wavering Soviet attitude towards national liberation movements in general and the Palestinian organizations in particular. Until the late 1960s, the Soviets viewed these organizations with suspicion, hesitating to engage in political dialogue with them. However, in the 1970s, political and military events in the region, as well as modifications in the Kremlin's Cold War strategies, led to a general shift towards the Middle East in Soviet foreign policy. Soviet leaders showed increased willingness to provide certain Palestinian organizations with arms with which to conduct terrorist activities against Israeli, pro-Israeli, Jewish and Western targets. The article explores the complex relations between Palestinian organizations and the USSR in the field of international terror. The study also exposes and analyzes the nature and content of Soviet–Palestinian arms dialogues and transactions. It provides clear evidence that Soviet policymakers and other luminaries were fully informed of, and sometimes directly involved in, these transactions and dialogues at the highest levels.  相似文献   

13.
Violent conflict escalated in Africa in 2014, with five sub-Saharan states – the Central African Republic (CAR), Nigeria, Somalia, South Sudan and Sudan – accounting for an estimated 75% of all conflict-related deaths on the continent. This paper provides an overview of the five major sub-Saharan African conflicts in 2014 and considers the underlying causes and dynamics in the Seleka/anti-Balaka conflict in the CAR, the Islamist threats of Boko Haram and al-Shabaab in Nigeria and Somalia, the civil war in South Sudan, and the long-running conflict between Sudan's government and southern and Darfuri rebels. The paper unpacks the general trends evident in these conflicts and the implications for the settlement thereof, including the targeting of civilians, ethnic and religious mobilisation and the state as epicentre of violence. The paper concludes with a brief look ahead to 2015.  相似文献   

14.
This article details the history and philosophy behind major changes in police tradition and organisation in Nigeria in 1955. Women in the Nigeria Police Force (NPF), influenced by their background as enforcers of societal norms, developed a type of social-work-oriented policing. Using primary and secondary sources of historical information, this article discusses the origin of women in the NPF, the specialised role of women in police work, and the changes that have been effected in the roles and functions of women in policing in Nigeria. Situated within the conceptual frameworks of patriarchy and gender, this article argues that gender biases impeded the incorporation of women into the police and, when eventually introduced, gender limitations constrained their roles, operations and activities.  相似文献   

15.
The article focuses on the interface between ethnicity and national security in Nigeria. It critically explores the negative mobilization of ethnicity in Nigeria's fourth republic, and how this has been shaping (and reshaping) the democratization process, particularly in the management of cooperation and conflict over contestations for power and other resources. The re-democratization of Nigeria in 1999 has been preceded with high expectations of meaningful reductions in the high level of insecurity witnessed under the long years of military suzerainty. However, this has not been the case. Rather, what is obtained is an increase in national insecurity on a much larger scale. This article argues that one of the banes of national security in the Nigerian state is ethnic politics, which continues to witness changes in context and character with grave consequences for the future of democracy. The central argument is that ethnicity has always been a major driver of politics and conflicts in Nigeria and the trend is not likely to change anytime soon.  相似文献   

16.
This article provides a critical analysis of counterinsurgency in Afghanistan at the tactical level. The efforts of several Naval Special Warfare detachments deployed to Naw Bahar district in Zabul Province, Afghanistan are examined in detail to identify key successes and failures in planning and execution. It defines the operating environment in which the detachments worked and identifies the goals and outcomes of the first and second phases of the counterinsurgency effort. The article concludes by placing the tactical effort in the context of the overall strategy in Afghanistan and suggests that time is the limiting factor to success.  相似文献   

17.
Abstract

The Sahel has gained attention in international politics as one of the central theatres in the war on terrorism. International actors in this war seek alliances with states in the region, reinforcing the latter’s military strength and their legitimacy from outside. At the same time, increasingly-connected young populations question the legitimacy of their states, and contest that legitimacy from within and below. In the absence of states delivering any reasonable form of social contract, young people become torn between different governing orders and find themselves in a liminal space. In this article we present the cases of youth in Mali and Chad, who find themselves in a period of re-definition of their position in society and hence search for legitimate structures representation. In this search they may frame their belonging in terms of ethnicity, religion or political opposition – and increasingly also in adherence to global citizenship. New information flows and connectivity among young people in these regions, and between them and the diaspora, has given a new turn to their search for citizenship/belonging and rightful representation. However, whether their search will be successful in this geopolitical context is questionable.  相似文献   

18.
Abstract

In Operation Iraqi Freedom, which ended in August 2010, nearly 3500 hostile deaths occurred among US military personnel and 32,000 more were wounded in action (WIA). More than 1800 hostile deaths occurred during Operation Enduring Freedom (in and around Afghanistan) through 2014 and about 20,000 were WIA. A larger proportion of wounded personnel survived in Iraq and Afghanistan than during the Vietnam War, but the increased survival rates were not as high as some studies have asserted. The survival rates were 90.2% in Iraq and 91.6% in Afghanistan, compared with 86.5% in Vietnam. The casualty rates varied between the conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan and before, during, and after the respective surges. Amputation rates are difficult to measure consistently, but I estimate that 2.6% of all WIA and 9.0% of medically evacuated WIA from the Iraq and Afghanistan theaters combined resulted in the major loss of a limb. Elevated non-hostile death rates (including deaths due to accidents, illnesses, homicides, or suicides) resulted in about 220 more deaths in Iraq and about 200 more deaths in Afghanistan than would have been expected in peacetime among populations of the size deployed to those two conflicts.  相似文献   

19.
Since the July 2009 Boko Haram terrorist outburst in Nigeria, there have been increasing questions on the phenomenon in the country. There has not been any substantial analysis on the emergence of the Boko Haram group and its terrorist activities in Nigeria as the out-rage continues. This study is advanced to explain the phenomenon of Boko Haram terrorism in Nigeria. It employs the levels of analysis framework popular in the field of international relations to explain the terrorism at three major levels: individual, state and international. The study relies on dependable news reports, which include interviews with key actors relevant to the subject matter, and finds that Boko Haram terrorism has its roots in the ideology and motivations of its founder and members, the failures and deficiencies of the Nigerian state, and the modern trend of religious terrorism in the international system.  相似文献   

20.
《战略研究杂志》2012,35(5):663-687
Abstract

In Western operations in Afghanistan, small European powers escalate in different ways. While Denmark and the Netherlands have contributed to Western escalation through integration with British and US forces, Norway and Sweden have done so by creating a division of labour allowing US and British combat forces to concentrate their efforts in the south. These variations in strategic behaviour suggest that the strategic choice of small powers is more diversified than usually assumed. We argue that strategic culture can explain the variation in strategic behaviour of the small allies in Afghanistan. In particular, Dutch and Danish internationalism have reconciled the use of force in the national and international domains, while in Sweden and Norway there is still a sharp distinction between national interest and humanitarianism.  相似文献   

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