共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
Despite both regional and international efforts to establish a weapons of mass destruction–free zone (WMDFZ) in the Middle East, regional support beyond mere rhetoric seems unattainable. The lack of commitment to WMD disarmament results from the complexity of regional security dynamics, which are characterized by a high level of weaponization and crosscutting conflicts. This article examines a strategy for WMD disarmament in the Middle East. First, such a strategy must reflect the motives underlying a state's WMD aspirations. Security and prestige may be identified as two motives that affect the acquisition, and thus also the abandonment, of WMD. Second, Egypt, Iran, Israel, and Syria are important actors because their reasons for desiring WMD cannot be considered apart from each other, and progress will consequently depend on the inclusion of all these actors. In this regard, we recommend the establishment of a parallel process between efforts to establish a WMDFZ and peaceful relations in the Middle East. Solving central problems, like the lack of political determination and security cooperation, is vital to create consensus on the final framework of a zone. This study suggests a way forward by analyzing the central causes of conflict in the region and recommending ways to resolve them in order to establish a WMDFZ. 相似文献
2.
3.
ANGELA MCINTYRE 《African Security Review》2013,22(2):91-99
Children are defined by the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child and the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child as people under the age of 18. Youth, although commonly used to describe the age group between 15–25, is not a term recognized in legislation designed to protect children. It has, however, become a concept employed by regimes and rebels alike to mobilize Africa's young population for political and military ends. African youth are caught in the chasm between childhood and the unattainable social, political and economic status that would define them as adults. Deprived of educational opportunities and livelihoods, youth are actively mobilized by politicians and armed groups alike, who recognize that their alliance is valuable and their enmity dangerous. The militarization of disaffected young people, of which the problem of child soldiers is only a small part, originates with the idea that youth constitute “potential”: a commodity that can and has been plundered alongside natural resources and public funds to serve the agendas of warfare. 相似文献
4.
本文从理论上阐明了红外线式电暖器引燃可燃物的可能性,通过对普通家具材料的热辐射试验,获取了影响这种引燃的条件和现场残留痕迹物证的特征。这对于安全使用电暖器及其引起火灾原因的调查有着重要的意义。 相似文献
5.
单甘霖 《军械工程学院学报》1991,(2)
在一个大系统中,由于本体的运动,必然对装在其上的一些需要定向工作的仪器设备产生扰动。本文以自行高炮为例,提出了消除本体扰动的方法,并进行了仿真分析。 相似文献
6.
徐章遂 《军械工程学院学报》1990,(2)
工程设备的结构日趋复杂,使故障诊断的难度不断增大。本文在最大故障信息量诊断的基础上提出了最大故障信息增量判断准则,可从故障特征群中一次找出最可能的故障点,简化了诊断过程,提高了诊断速度。 相似文献
7.
谭志良 《军械工程学院学报》1994,(4)
本文介绍了静电放电(ESD)对电子装置的危害,分析了半导体器件受ESD影响而失效的机理,及ESD对电子设备形成干扰的途径,介绍并分析了六种ESD模型,即人体模型(HBM)、带电装置模型(CDM)、场感应模型(FIM)、机器模型(MM)、增强型场模型(FEM)或金属体模型(BMM)、电容耦合模型(CCM)。 相似文献
8.
Heads of State and Government passed the first amendments to the Constitutive Act of the African Union within seven months of the launch of the organization. This article provides a legal analysis of the broadening of Article 4(h) of the Act, the right of intervention, to prevent a “serious threat to legitimate order”. It argues that this clause is inconsistent with the other grounds for intervention, which aim to protect African peoples from grave violations of human rights when their governments are unable or unwilling to do so. The amendment, by contrast, aims to uphold state security, rather than human security. The context in which this and other amendments were adapted from proposals by Libya in Durban 2002 is considered in terms of political implications for the African Union. 相似文献
9.
Since the post-World War II genesis of nuclear deterrence, two presidential initiatives have been presented to deliver humanity from the threat of its failure. The first was the Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI), a constellation of space- and ground-based systems that President Ronald Reagan envisioned would render nuclear weapons “impotent and obsolete.” The second is President Barack Obama's roadmap to “a world without nuclear weapons,” commonly referred to as “Global Zero.” While these proposals appear to have little in common, deeper investigation reveals a number of provocative similarities in motivation and presentation. Moreover, both generated fierce debate, often with ideological overtones, about their strategic desirability and technical feasibility. We use these parallels, as well as prominent dissimilarities, to draw lessons from the SDI experience that can be applied to the debate over Global Zero. 相似文献
10.
频率捷变雷达有许多其它雷达无法比拟的优点,在现代雷达体制中占有重要地位。分析了频率捷变雷达的特点,根据其工作原理,提出了干扰频率捷变雷达的几种方法,分析了各自的优点和局限性。阐述了干扰方法的原理及实现的技术途径,并给出了有关参数的计算方法和实例。 相似文献
11.
12.
Michael Krepon 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(2):457-463
Forecasting Nuclear Proliferation in the 21st Century: The Role of Theory (vol. 1, 312 pages, $24.95) and A Comparative Perspective (vol. 2, 488 pages, $24.95), edited by William C. Potter with Gaukhar Mukhatzhanova. Stanford University Press, 2010. 相似文献
13.
Peter Jones 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(2):197-217
Claims that China is the only nuclear power currently expanding its arsenal fail to take into account the technical, historical, and bureaucratic realities that shaped China's nuclear posture and drive its ongoing modernization. China's strategic modernization is largely a process of deploying new delivery systems, not designing new nuclear warheads; the majority of its new missiles are conventionally armed. Today, China maintains the smallest operationally deployed nuclear force of any of the legally recognized nuclear weapon states, operates under a no-first-use pledge, and keeps its warheads off alert. The modernization of China's delivery systems is the culmination of a decades-long plan to acquire the same capabilities deployed by the other nuclear powers. U.S. concerns about this modernization focus too much on deterring a deliberate Chinese attack and ignore the risk that modernized U.S. and Chinese forces could interact in unexpected ways during a crisis, creating uncontrollable escalatory pressures. To manage this risk, Washington should assure Chinese leaders that it does not seek to deny China's deterrent, in exchange for some understanding that China will not seek numerical parity with U.S. nuclear forces. 相似文献
14.
Nina Tannenwald 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(3):527-532
Nonproliferation Norms: Why States Choose Nuclear Restraint, by Maria Rost Rublee. University of Georgia Press, 2009. 296 pages, $22.95. 相似文献
15.
16.
张久荣 《军械工程学院学报》1992,(4)
发展社会主义市场经济,必须建立和健全权力监督制度。本文以建设有中国特色的社会主义民主政治为出发点,论述了我国现阶段权力监督制度建设的重要性、现状以及进一步完善的措施。 相似文献
17.
Wade L. Huntley 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(2):305-338
The prospect of the United States continuing to reduce the size of its nuclear arsenal to “very low numbers” has raised questions in Japan and South Korea, where US extended deterrence guarantees are premised on the “nuclear umbrella.” In both countries, however, concerns focus less on numerical arsenal size than on the sufficiency of specific nuclear and non-nuclear capabilities to meet evolving threats and on the degree of broader US commitment to these alliances. This article assesses developments in US-Japan and US-South Korea relationships in response to the Obama administration's nuclear disarmament policies, focusing on how the evolutionary course of those relationships may in turn condition prospects for sustaining this US nuclear policy direction. The analysis finds that the challenges of deterrence credibility and allied reassurance are difficult and long-term, but also that US nuclear arsenal size is secondary to broader political, strategic, and military factors in meeting these challenges. The evaluation concludes that strong alliance relationships and strategic stability in East Asia can be maintained while the size of the US nuclear arsenal continues to decline, but also that deterioration of these relationships could imperil core US nuclear policy and nonproliferation objectives. 相似文献
18.
TAYA WEISS 《African Security Review》2013,22(2):5-16
Small arms and light weapons (SALW) can be used and re-used as long as demand for them exists. They often outlast fragile peace agreements and fuel post-conflict crime. Local-level approaches to fighting SALW proliferation focus on reducing the demand for guns and promoting alternative methods of conflict resolution. Policy-makers, whose aim should be to address the structure within which SALW circulate, have failed to adequately address the demand side of the market. Governments, aid organisations, and regional and international bodies have concentrated their efforts to stem SALW proliferation in the realm of manufacturers and suppliers on one hand and responses to violent conflict on the other, thus failing to articulate and use the wide range of possible interventions. 相似文献
19.
本文从改进光路的矢量追迹公式入手,给出一个包含光学系统偏心量在内的矢量追迹公式,从而编制出一种精确计算光学系统三维偏差对全像差影响的通用程序。利用这个程序可以得出涉及光学系统偏差对像差影响的各类问题的解答。 相似文献
20.
本文分析了一般屏幕点阵汉字放大的方法及不足,提出使用线性平滑法提高汉字放大字符质量的思想,给出了线性平滑法实现高质量汉字放大的方法。此外,本文还介绍了不同汉字操作系统的识别方法及多种汉字字模获取的方法,为实现多种汉字字体放大提供了方便。 相似文献