“以人心为金汤,以人才为武库”——谈南宋余玠经略四蜀的战争指导

南宋末年,我国北方少数民族鞑靼(蒙古)族异军突起,取战略迂回姿态进攻巴蜀,企图在四川先建立支点,尔后顺江东下灭亡南朝。南宋四川安抚制置史余玠(?—1253年),团结地方贤达,统率西土父老,构筑了规模宏大的山城防御体系,以抵御鞑靼族的进攻,开创了延长南宋“国祚”20多年的抗战局面。“以     

南宋四川山地滨江防卫型城池营建研究——以重庆多功城为例

南宋抗蒙斗争时期,四川军民凭借严密的山地滨江网状防御体系成功地抵御了蒙军长达数十年的进攻。为分析、总结这一体系中山地滨江防卫型城池的营建特征,以其中一个重要城池——重庆多功城为代表,从历史沿革、选址、地形地貌、平面布局、周边道路、环境和主要建筑特征等方面进行分析,并结合相关史书资料和其他城池研究成果,总结出南宋四川山地滨江防卫型城池的营建特征:选址依山临水,择险而立;防御设施完善坚固;后勤保障得力。     

三峡地区军事地缘研究——以三国时期为中心

三国时期,长江三峡地区处于魏、蜀、吴三国交界地带,三国对其争夺十分激烈。蜀汉失去三峡下游地区,被迫困守巴蜀。吴国夺取三峡下游后,以西陵、建平为国之西藩,构筑西部防线,但由于后期对三峡上游地区争夺的失利,注定了其被晋所并。魏国曾企图攻下这一地区以切断吴、蜀之联系,但没有成功。灭蜀之后,晋国得以占据长江上游,编练水军、大造战舰,终成破竹之势,扫荡东吴。这一成功的战略亦为后世借鉴,隋灭陈、唐平萧铣,皆取顺流而下之战略。南宋夔门防线的构筑,成功阻止蒙军顺江而下,也逐步稳固了四川战区的局势。     

前秦东晋淝水之战探析

东晋十六国时期,前秦永兴元年(公元357年)苻坚即帝位后,即从政治、经济、军事、文化等方面进行改革,因而兵强国富.建元六年(370年).苻竖以"先强后弱,各个击破"为方略,开始了他的统一北方的战争.十余年间,先后击灭前燕、前凉、代等割据王国,并夺取东晋梁(治今陕西汉中)、益(治今四川成都)两州及襄阳、彭城等战略要地.把中原地区全部纳八前秦的势力范围.后又进军西域.其版图"东极沧海.西并龟兹,南苞襄阳,北尽沙漠."(《高僧传·晋长安五级寺释道安传》)许多部落、小国也竞相归附:"鄯善王、车师前     

地雷“家族”的今与昔

地雷是爆炸性障碍物,在战争史上写下了辉煌的一页。中国是最早出现地雷并将之用于战场的国家。南宋时(公元13世纪)便出现了爆炸性火器“震天雷”。它的外壳用生铁铸成罐子状,内装黑火药,上安引信,既可用于攻城,也可用于守城。1232年蒙古军进攻金朝南京(今开封)时,守军用绳索将“震天雷”吊下城墙,炸毁蒙古军的攻城器材“牛皮洞子”,杀伤了攻     

世界历史上首次使用火药兵器的著名海战──胶西海战

胶西海战发生于南宋绍兴三十一年（ １１６１）,是宋金战争中的一个重要战役,也是宋朝建国以来所取得的少有的海上大捷。 宋金之战,实际上在北宋末年灭辽之后即已开始,宣和七年（ １１ ２５）以来,金人大举南侵,直至把徽、钦二帝及其近臣宗属押解北去。偏安江南的南宋政权建立之后,由于统治者腐朽无能,妥协投降,于绍兴十一年（１１４１）十一月以屈辱称臣、割地纳贡为条件,换来了一纸宋金“和约”,即“绍兴和议”,紧接着又以“莫须有”的罪名杀害了抗金名将岳飞。但是贪婪的女真贵族并不以此为满足,仍积极备战,企图消灭偏安东…     

宋夏战争中宋军武备问题及其改进措施探析

<正>北宋仁宗朝宝元元年（1038年）,北宋西北部的党项政权首领李元昊称帝,去宋封号,建国号为“大夏”,史称“西夏”。宋仁宗宝元二年（1039年）,李元昊试图让北宋承认他们的独立地位,这一要求被北宋所拒绝,于是第一次宋夏战争爆发。西夏开始进攻宋朝陕西地区,在三川口之战、好水川之战和定川寨之战中接连战胜了宋军。学界对宋败夏胜的原因进行了广泛的讨论和研究,     

毛泽东战略进攻思想论纲

毛泽东军事战略思想,是一个极其严整的理论体系。其中既包括战略防御的思想,也包括战略进攻的思想。长期以来,学术界对毛泽东积极防御的战略思想研究得较为充分和深入,而对于毛泽东战略进攻思想的研究则相当薄弱。对于积极防御,毛泽东本人写了许多重要的理论著作;而在战略进攻方面,其思想则表现在大量的军事文电中。1936年,毛泽东在写作《中国革命战争的战略问题》时,集中论述了积极防御的战略思想,本来还准备专章写战略进攻等问题,由于西安事变发生,没有工夫再写,就搁笔了。这样,对毛泽东战略进攻思想进行系统研究,分析这一思想的发生、发…     

弹道导弹防御的一场新争论

一九六○～七○年间一场反弹道导弹争论之后的十年间,战略形势已变化得足以使许多评论家提出需要弹道导弹防御（BMD）技术,一场关于各种弹道导弹防御方案优劣性的新争论正在来临,但是争论的条件尚远不成熟。到了一九八一年,有了更充分的理由为重新开展一场政策性争论提供了条件,争论不仅涉及根据互相确保（社会的）易损性准则在稳定美苏战略均势方面弹道导弹防御所可能具有的优点,而且也涉及以进攻为主的基本观点,而进攻为主是过去十五年中大部分时间内美国战略原则和战略态势的特点。后一个问题直接与下述因素有关:威慑的理论,以及可能的对外政策需要的能力和与美国利益相适应的美国核战略。     

王聪儿起义考叙

清嘉庆元年 ,湖北省六府一州爆发了农民抗清反霸起义。其中五府一州起义军实行孤守城寨之消极防御 ,迅即被清军就地包围 ,各个击破 ,全部覆没。唯王聪儿领导的襄阳府起义军实行流动作战 ,掀起鄂、川、豫、陕、甘五省大规模农民战争。襄阳义军机动灵活 ,英勇善战 ,并曾宣扬“反清复明” ,试图建立“天运”政权 ,远征四川会师。但由于阶级的、历史的局限性 ,未能提出明确的政治纲领、战略方针和实行统一指导 ,仅限于单纯军事活动和各自为战 ,终遭强大敌人重点跟踪追剿而失败。农民战争促使清王朝作出一定改良 ,同时对清王朝自身也是一种拯救。本文运用清档案中清军将领大批有关战报奏折 ,对战争过程作了具体系统的考证核实。     

Shifting power,preventive logic,and the response of the target: Germany,Russia, and the First World War

If a declining state has incentives for preventive war, the rising state should have incentives to delay a confrontation until it is stronger. We develop the theoretical paradox and examine the July 1914 crisis. Why did Russia, rising relative to Germany, not adopt a buying-time strategy? We argue that although most Russian leaders hoped to avoid a confrontation, they feared that the failure to support Serbia would lead to a loss of Russian credibility and a significant setback to Russia’s position in the Balkans, one that could not easily be reversed, even with Russia’s expected increase in relative military power.     

Muslims,Islamists, and the Cold War

A new devil has emerged to challenge Western values and public virtue, and ever so conveniently, the devil masqueraded in religious garb. Terrorism has become synonymous with Islamic fundamentalism if not with Islam itself, and a new iron wall has descended on the world, as Churchill said, separating East from West, Christendom from Islam. This study examines the question why US policy makers feel a persistent urge to draw foreign policy in moralistic terms and religious metaphor, often to their own detriment.     

Acrimony,asymmetry, and the Sino-Indian nuclear relationship

ABSTRACT

While most contemporary analyses of South Asian nuclear dynamics acknowledge the presence of a strategic triangle between the region’s three nuclear players, the primary focus usually remains on the rivalry between India and Pakistan. Discussions of Sino-Indian relations remain limited. This is likely attributed to the stability in the two countries’ relations, yet it is worth asking why this stability exists and whether it is likely to continue in the future. Although China and India have an acrimonious relationship, their asymmetric nuclear capabilities and threat perceptions mitigate the danger of a traditional security dilemma. India may perceive China’s nuclear aggrandizement to be a security threat, but the same is not true of China, which has a vastly superior nuclear force and is largely shaping its nuclear-force structure in response to the threat it perceives from the United States. This dynamic makes a serious conventional or nuclear conflict highly unlikely.     

Imperial nostalgia,the liberal lie,and the perils of postmodern counterinsurgency

Since 9/11, counterinsurgency is back in fashion; the ‘war on terror’ has even been branded a ‘global counterinsurgency’. However the context within which counterinsurgency originally arose is critical to understanding the prospects for its present success; the radically changed environment in which it is currently being conducted casts into considerable doubt the validity of the doctrine's application by many national militaries currently ‘rediscovering’ this school of military thought today. Above all, classical counterinsurgency was a profoundly imperial, state-centric phenomenon; consequently it only rarely faced the thorny issue of sovereignty and legitimacy which bedevils and may doom these same efforts today.     

SDI,NATO, and the Social Composition Function

The strategic defense initiative (SDI) intends to renew the leadership of the USA on the western alliance. The initiative takes place in a period when a summation technology prevails for the aggregation of contributions of NATO allies. We investigate if SDI induces a shift in Hirshleifer’s social composition function. Panel data tests over the period 1970–1990 do not confirm any break toward a best-shot aggregator. SDI does not alter the core of deterrence. It is indeed a public good at the US level but not at the NATO level, where, it is one of the joint products of the alliance. We also investigate the lessons to be drawn for the current debates on ballistic defense.