美军培育和激发"战斗精神"的考察与剖析

为赢得战争的胜利,在培育和激发战斗精神方面,美军形成了一些行之有效的制度和方式方法,如强调提高部队战斗力必须培育战斗精神;培育国家利益至上为基础的"原动力"战斗精神;鼓吹"师出有名"煽动战斗精神;提高官兵物质待遇维系战斗精神;宣扬牺牲军人事迹强化战斗精神;通过社会保障影响战斗精神;适时对官兵进行心理调解稳定战斗精神;提供宗教信仰服务"神化"战斗精神等。     

对《革命军人思想品德修养》课贯彻三个代表重要思想的几点认识

<革命军人思想品德修养>课是"两课"教学的重要组成部分,是贯彻和实践"三个代表"重要思想的主要渠道和战场.对院校和部队建设有着十分重要的地位和作用.该课要以"三个代表"为指导,把弘扬社会主义道德和宣传共产主义远大理想相结合,旗帜鲜明地坚持人生价值导向的一元化,完善与社会主义市场经济相适应的军人职业道德体系,要以批判和继承的态度弘扬优秀的传统文化和传统美德.     

工艺、工装标准选用范围

<正>根据"产品标准化大纲"、产品设计文件和协议(合同),结合生产单位生产工艺和管理工作的需要,提出"工艺、工装标准选用范围"。1."工艺、工装标准选用范围"可作为"工艺标准化大纲"的一部分,也可作为企标或一个独立文件发布而在"工艺标准化大纲"中引用。     

本刊加入“中国学术期刊网”、“万方数据”、“维普全文数据库”的声明

<正>为了实现科技期刊编辑、出版、发行工作的电子化。推进科技信息交流的网络化进程,我刊现已加入"中国学术期刊网"、"万方数据——数字化刊群"和重庆"维普全文数据库"。     

迎来春色满人间——东华理工大学创新治校方略纪实

<正>东华理工大学自2006年制定和实施"十一五"规划以来,从"超常规、跨越式"的发展思路调整为"稳定外延发展,加强内涵建设"的科学发展理念,稳步推进改革,实现了可持续发展。     

以创新的思路组织指导学习贯彻"三个代表"重要思想

新一届党中央领导集体从新的实际出发,以科学的态度和方法组织指导学习贯彻"三个代表"重要思想新高潮的兴起,表现出独特的风格和鲜明的特色把兴起学习贯彻"三个代表"重要思想新高潮与兴起学习贯彻十六大精神热潮紧密结合;从中国特色社会主义的需求上来阐述兴起新高潮的必要性和重要性;强调要深刻领会和掌握马克思主义的立场观点方法;把理论联系实际作为兴起新高潮的重点;从中央领导集体自身做起,带头实践"三个代表"重要思想.     

八路军驻各地办事机构的组织隶属关系研究

八路军驻各地办事机构是中国共产党在抗日战争时期以八路军名义建立的办事机构,当前学术界通常将其简称为"八办"。绝大多数的"八办"由中共中央或中共中央局设立,并隶属于中共中央;中共中央通过直辖、责成中央局或中央代表代管等三种方式对"八办"进行领导与管理;其中驻有中共中央局和中共中央代表的"八办"在事实上起到了中共中央派出机关(中共中央局、中共中央代表)职能部门的作用;这些"八办"既是中共中央派出机关的重要组成部分,又是中共中央派出机关在国统区开展工作的掩护;特别需要说明的是,绝大部分"八办"事实上成为了一定区域内党组织的领导和联络中心,为抗日战争时期中共地方党组织的恢复和发展作出了重要贡献。     

运用研究型教学推动中国特色社会主义理论体系"三进入"

为提高中国特色社会主义理论体系"三进入"的质量和水平,必须坚持"教学出题、科研解题、成果育人"相统一,创新教学理念;坚持"专家把关、团队协作、个性发挥"相结合,优化总体设计;坚持"互动研讨、专题讲授、实践拓展"相衔接,增强教学效果;坚持"理论测试、能力测评、态度评估"相贯通,完善考评体系.     

飞扬的安德烈 图说俄罗斯海军旗帜演变(17)

<正>近卫海军旗帜和圣乔治丝带近卫海军旗帜包括近卫舰船使用的"近卫海军旗"和"近卫革命荣誉海军旗"以及近卫海军航空兵、岸炮部队等使用的"近卫海军红旗"和"近卫革命荣誉海军红旗"。     

用三项教育成果指导学员队管理工作

"三项教育"是"三讲"教育和"三个代表"在公安系统的继续,对于我们的各项工作具有重要的指导意义.要巩固"三项教育"成果,打牢思想基础,提高管理水平;转变工作思路,提高工作效率;从严管理,依法管理,切实做好学员队管理工作.     

Shifting power,preventive logic,and the response of the target: Germany,Russia, and the First World War

If a declining state has incentives for preventive war, the rising state should have incentives to delay a confrontation until it is stronger. We develop the theoretical paradox and examine the July 1914 crisis. Why did Russia, rising relative to Germany, not adopt a buying-time strategy? We argue that although most Russian leaders hoped to avoid a confrontation, they feared that the failure to support Serbia would lead to a loss of Russian credibility and a significant setback to Russia’s position in the Balkans, one that could not easily be reversed, even with Russia’s expected increase in relative military power.     

Muslims,Islamists, and the Cold War

A new devil has emerged to challenge Western values and public virtue, and ever so conveniently, the devil masqueraded in religious garb. Terrorism has become synonymous with Islamic fundamentalism if not with Islam itself, and a new iron wall has descended on the world, as Churchill said, separating East from West, Christendom from Islam. This study examines the question why US policy makers feel a persistent urge to draw foreign policy in moralistic terms and religious metaphor, often to their own detriment.     

Acrimony,asymmetry, and the Sino-Indian nuclear relationship

ABSTRACT

While most contemporary analyses of South Asian nuclear dynamics acknowledge the presence of a strategic triangle between the region’s three nuclear players, the primary focus usually remains on the rivalry between India and Pakistan. Discussions of Sino-Indian relations remain limited. This is likely attributed to the stability in the two countries’ relations, yet it is worth asking why this stability exists and whether it is likely to continue in the future. Although China and India have an acrimonious relationship, their asymmetric nuclear capabilities and threat perceptions mitigate the danger of a traditional security dilemma. India may perceive China’s nuclear aggrandizement to be a security threat, but the same is not true of China, which has a vastly superior nuclear force and is largely shaping its nuclear-force structure in response to the threat it perceives from the United States. This dynamic makes a serious conventional or nuclear conflict highly unlikely.     

SDI,NATO, and the Social Composition Function

The strategic defense initiative (SDI) intends to renew the leadership of the USA on the western alliance. The initiative takes place in a period when a summation technology prevails for the aggregation of contributions of NATO allies. We investigate if SDI induces a shift in Hirshleifer’s social composition function. Panel data tests over the period 1970–1990 do not confirm any break toward a best-shot aggregator. SDI does not alter the core of deterrence. It is indeed a public good at the US level but not at the NATO level, where, it is one of the joint products of the alliance. We also investigate the lessons to be drawn for the current debates on ballistic defense.     

Ethnicity,class, and civil war: the role of hierarchy,segmentation, and cross-cutting cleavages

Why are some countries prone to ethno-nationalist conflict, whereas others are plagued by class conflict? This is a question that has seldom been raised and rarely been examined empirically. This paper presents a social-structural theory to account for the variable incidence of these two forms of political instability. These two types of conflict result from distinct principles of group solidarity – ethnicity and class – and since each individual is simultaneously a member of an ethnic group (or many such groups) and a particular class, these two principles vary in the degree to which they are mutually exclusive or cross-cutting. The degree of economic stratification between groups and economic segmentation within them shapes the relative salience of each principle of group solidarity in any society and is associated with a characteristic form of political mobilization. In places where between-group inequalities are high, and within-group inequalities low, ethnicity should be the dominant principle of group solidarity and serve as the primary basis of group conflict. By contrast, in countries where between-group inequalities are low, and within-group inequalities high, class is more likely to serve as the dominant principle of group solidarity, and conflicts along class lines are more likely. We test these conjectures with data in over 100 countries on cross-cutting cleavages, ethnic war, and class conflict. The results are supportive of the theory, and provide evidence that how groups are stratified and segmented in societies shapes the type of civil war.