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中国人民武装警察部队是我国武装力量的重要组成部分。武警理论研究、武警立法发展和武警执法实践都要求制定一部中国人民武装警察部队法。武警法是适用于武警部队的专门法,具有特殊性、专业性、独立性、分散性、交叉性的特点。武警法学具有自己独特的研究对象、研究方法、理论价值和科学体系,应该建构独立的武警法律学科,这是必然的发展趋势。 相似文献
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Muhamad Haripin Chaula Rininta Anindya Adhi Priamarizki 《Defense & Security Analysis》2020,36(3):275-299
ABSTRACT The separation of the Indonesian national police (POLRI) from the military (ABRI), now named the TNI, in 1999 led to transfer of domestic security role from the armed forces to POLRI. On one hand, POLRI has a greater role in internal security, particularly in countering terrorism. On the other hand, TNI continually attempts to reassert its dominance in the field of counter-terrorism. Previous studies on the subject place the issue in the context of the early days of democratisation. This paper aims to contribute by counting latest developments, notably the rise of new terrorist groups and recent counter-terrorism legislations. We argue that institutional rivalries between the POLRI and the TNI, and the military's determination to reclaim a greater role in domestic security have become an impediment to achieving successful counterterrorism efforts. This article also examines the development of military reform against the backdrop of the military's disproportionate and growing influence. 相似文献
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The military poses an ongoing threat to modern democratic rule in some African countries, especially in the Zimbabwean context. This paper reveals the ways in which Zimbabwe National Army (ZNA) generals have played a political role in the Zimbabwean elections, an issue which is both a political threat and a security threat to the state. It is argued that the ways in which ZNA generals engage in the political process goes against Section 208(2) of the constitution of Zimbabwe, which summarily states that the military must be apolitical. In substantiating this argument, the paper presents and analyses various public speeches made by army generals. It is contended that the army generals’ support of the Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) and President Robert Mugabe has to be understood as a ‘mutual accommodation’, i.e. the generals are offered privileges in return for the political protection of the ruling regime which negatively impacts the security of the vote. 相似文献
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赵群 《武警工程学院学报》2014,(4):93-95
图书馆是军队院校思想政治教育的重要阵地。分析论证了图书馆在军校思想政治教育中具有的转化功能、强化功能和内化功能,并从强化阵地意识、注重阅读引导、提高服务水平、营造环境氛围四个方面,就如何发挥军校图书馆在思想政治教育中的功能作用进行了探讨。 相似文献
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雷智勇 《武警工程学院学报》2014,(4):68-71
以发展先进军事文化为目标,搞好武警期刊全面建设,就要提高认识,确立崭新的思想观念;就要充分发挥武警期刊的关键性作用;就要加强武警期刊体系建设;就要坚持科学发展思想。 相似文献
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Thomas Waldman 《Defence Studies》2019,19(1):85-105
This paper explores the notion that US efforts to evade the political costs of war paradoxically contribute to the subsequent exacerbation of costs over time. Leaders seek to purchase political capital in the short term by limiting the costs and requirements of military operations, but in doing so cause strategic and political liabilities to mount in the long run. While identification of such behaviour is not new, insufficient attention has been devoted to explaining its causes, dynamics, and manifestations in relation to key decisions on and in war. Evidence derived from studies of recent American discretionary campaigns is analysed to advance an argument with respect to this pattern of self-defeating strategic behaviour. 相似文献
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While the human rights impact of the deployment of state security agencies in the Chiadzwa diamond fields has been explored, it is important to continue to expose the increasing tendency within the sector to take public resources that should be protected by the state and used for the benefit of the people and channel them for personal gain. The security sector stranglehold of President Robert Mugabe and the ruling political party, the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF), has facilitated the siphoning of Chiadzwa diamond revenue into the pockets of individual security personnel. The unfolding sociopolitical crisis in Zimbabwe has also meant that these security personnel have been deployed beyond conflict zones and into traditionally civilian domains, with dire consequences for the public purse. With this in mind, it is asserted that these issues have driven state security agencies to enrich themselves through what is termed in this article as a ‘goat mentality’. The article thus explores the ways in which state security agencies have been deployed and gone on to promote personal enrichment in the Chiadzwa diamond fields. 相似文献
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Fenja Søndergaard Møller 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(2):392-420
ABSTRACTResearch concerning authoritarian stability and peace usually investigates co-optation and repression. Recently, several studies argue that traditional legitimacy is also important for stability in monarchies. However, existing research rarely considers how legitimacy constrains rebellions and help the royal family to stay in power. Hence, this article explores the causal links between sources of traditional legitimacy and absence of uprisings. The study investigates the relationship with a case study of the Kingdom of Swaziland. In line with my expectations, I find a causal relationship between sources of traditional legitimacy and absence of popular uprisings. First, the royal family actively uses traditional legitimacy to justify their rule. Second, the Afrobarometer indicates that the Swazi people trust the King more than citizens in other African countries trust their head of state. Third, opposition actors have limited opportunities to mobilize the broader population against the monarchy. Fourth, traditional legitimacy dampens ongoing protests and thereby hinders their escalation into popular uprisings or political violence. Repression is clearly an important explanation for limited rebellion in Swaziland, but this article shows that also traditional legitimacy sources play a role. 相似文献
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Terence M. Holmes 《战略研究杂志》2017,40(7):1039-1058
Clausewitz was much preoccupied with the apparent contradiction between real and absolute war. Why did war in history so rarely exhibit the extremes of violence and energy implied in the pure concept of war? Clausewitz’s commentators have usually followed him in thinking that this was a genuine problem in need of a solution, but I want to question that view. I will argue that Clausewitz did not have a coherent philosophy of absolute war, and therefore the contradiction he posited between real and absolute war was equally meaningless – as, too, was his effort to resolve it by claiming that some real wars approached or even attained the absolute form of war. The real problem was not the opposition of real and absolute war, but the self-contradictory theory of absolute war. 相似文献
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Colin Robinson 《Defense & Security Analysis》2016,32(3):237-252
The history of the Somali Armed Forces, principally the army, forms an important part of studying the Somali civil war. Two key themes are evident from 1960: the pursuit of an irredentist agenda beyond reasonable limits, which led to the downfall of Siad Barre’s regime, and the clan divisions and agendas that Barre used to shore up his rule in the 1980s and that have bedeviled the rebirth of the Somali Army in the twenty-first century. With the twentieth-century context covered, and in some places reinterpreted, this article then focuses on the uncertain rebirth of the Somali Armed Forces since 2008, using a host of primary and United Nations official sources. Assistance efforts have been focused on Mogadishu, but limited success has been made in forming truly national armed forces. Future prospects are uncertain, but there are some signs of hope. 相似文献
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Blessing-Miles Tendi 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(6):937-956
AbstractThis article re-examines part of the literature on Britain’s role in the December 1979 to March 1980 Zimbabwe/Rhodesia ceasefire. The ceasefire ushered in an era of peace after a protracted internal war and it was an integral part of the transition from colonial white minority rule, towards black majority independence. Scholars present Britain’s success in brokering and monitoring the Zimbabwe/Rhodesia ceasefire as the result of its judicious and accordant management of the road to peace. However, this article argues that in fact deep internal divisions plagued the British managers of the ceasefire. Internal divisions centred on authority struggles between diplomats and military actors, conflicting personalities, discordant approaches to and goals in the ceasefire, and inter-institutional rivalry between the Foreign Office and Ministry of Defence. The article concludes that Britain only managed the ceasefire effectively because its military’s independence, political nous, and competence ultimately prevailed over the injudicious views and machinations of diplomats. 相似文献
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钱晋军 《中国人民武装警察部队学院学报》2009,25(7):33-35
研究维和警察防暴战术理论体系,以丰富维和警察理论体系,为维和警察在任务区执行任务提供理论支持。重点对维和警察防暴战术理论体系的概念、构成及应用进行了论述。 相似文献
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杨波 《中国人民武装警察部队学院学报》2008,24(5):13-15
组建海上特警部队是加强海警部队处置突发事件能力、提高部队应急作战能力的有效途径之一。组建此部队应明确指导思想和任务,突出海上特警部队特点,掌握海上反恐知识和作战方法、技能。 相似文献
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The provisions of the 1999 Constitution, which recognises the existence of a single police force and forbids parallel police organisations, have oftentimes generated controversies among actors in the Nigerian federal polity. Rising insecurity precipitates lingering questions on the utility and adequacy of a single, highly centralised and centrally controlled police force given Nigeria’s geographic vastness and demographic diversity. Conversely, arguments have also dwelt on the dangers of fragmentation considering Nigeria’s psychosocial, economic and political nature. This article attempts to balance these arguments by analysing policing and the operations of the Nigeria Police Force (NPF) through the lens of the subsidiarity principle. Subsidiarity is a governance principle in federations, captured in the founding documents of the European Union (EU), which prescribes that governmental powers, authorities and duties should be held by the tier that can best perform them equitably, efficiently, effectively, suitably and based on interest and need. Drawing largely on interviews with purposively selected police scholars, political actors, civil society organisations and police personnel, the paper contends that this principle offers a pragmatic solution to the perennial problems of intergovernmental frictions on the use of the police within the context of governance in the Nigerian federation. 相似文献
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刘秋莲 《中国人民武装警察部队学院学报》2011,(11):9-12
目前,我国公安机关在处置群体性事件过程中,在警察权定位及适用权限判断上存在着警察权适用程序失准、绩效不足、角色失当、制度不完善等困境。应从明确公安机关的处置原则、角色定位、建立权力规制和权利救济制度、构建公安机关分级应对策略等方面加以完善。 相似文献
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张敏 《武警工程学院学报》2014,(6):66-69
军事期刊编辑作为编辑队伍中一个特殊的群体,除了要具备一般期刊编辑所应具备的基本素质外,还应具备过硬的军事素质。军事素质是军人最基本、最核心的素质,是军人的基本职业素养,这对办刊质量有着重大的影响。 相似文献
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杨皓翔 《武警工程学院学报》2014,(1):81-84
军事装备的发展对军事思想、作战方式和手段,以及军队组织结构的变革具有重大影响。先秦时期多部兵法著作中涉及到了大量的军事装备用语。在对先秦兵书军事装备用语的例释研究中,可以使我们从感性上升到理性体会古典军事装备用语的独特魅力。 相似文献
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冯江峰 《中国人民武装警察部队学院学报》2004,20(6):47-49
通过对睡虎地秦墓竹简的分析,指出秦朝已经建立了比较完善的军事法律制度:在军事训练方面有对基层军官、战马、驾车者的考核制度;在军事保障方面,利用法律手段保证军队的兵源、装备、军粮的供应;在军事奖赏方面则实行优厚的封爵制度;在军事纪律方面,对违反军事纪律者给予严厉的处罚。 相似文献