共查询到19条相似文献,搜索用时 406 毫秒
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鉴于美军的太空作战走在世界前列,从顶层设计、信息网络、态势感知、作战应用等方面分析了美军太空安全体系的建设现状,重点指出了其在太空安全应急响应方面的发展趋势和启示,对我国太空安全研究具有参考作用。 相似文献
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美国太空网络融合问题发源自科技自然发展和美国战略运筹的交会,是美国强化新域新质作战力量的新探索。通过对美国太空网络融合的概念实质、推动因素、效果影响进行阐述,得到如下结论:未来美国太空网络融合将给世界带来军事与安全、经济与商业的全维联动冲击,给国际太空安全带来新的危机与挑战。面对这样的形势,中国应该注重威胁判断、顶层布局以及太空网络融合的军事、商业和技术运作,并在新情境下的国际太空安全治理中承担大国责任,贡献中国力量。 相似文献
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吴刚 《军队政工理论研究》2014,15(6)
美军一直将发展网络作战能力作为保持军事优势的战略举措,通过加强网络战实战准备、转变网络战作战理念、扩充网络战专业力量、打造网络战进攻利器、强化网络战攻防演练以及重视网络战安全合作等举措,为其谋求网络空间制度霸权提供了实力依托。 相似文献
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美军积极准备太空作战 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
2001年1月22~26日,美国空军在科罗拉多州科罗拉多泉附近的施里弗空军基地,举行了首次代号为“施里弗—2001”的太空作战模拟演习,其目的是探索在未来太空作战中有效夺取制太空权的方法。国外军事分析家认为:此次太空作战模拟演习清楚表明,美军正在加紧准备实施太空作战。事实上,早在20世纪50年代末期美军就提出了太空作战的思想。进入80年代后特别是90年代以来,经过海湾战争、“沙漠之狐”行动和科索沃战争等局部战争的实践后,美军更加重视太空作战的准备。 相似文献
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主要介绍了美军全球网络化作战的概念,描述了美军以网络为中心的网络作战构想,详细分析了网络作战具备的3个条件:网络作战部队、网络战攻防武器、网络作战理念和计划.介绍了美军网络作战的演习情况,并展望了网络作战的未来发展. 相似文献
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正美俄极力构建太空信息系统在未来战争中,太空信息系统将成为陆、海、空等作战力量的倍增器,太空信息战将是太空战的主要作战样式。由于太空战中所有攻防武器都要依靠信息来指挥、控制,谁取得了太空制信息权,谁就能取得制太空权和战争的主动权。 相似文献
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2001年1月22日-26日。美国空军在科罗拉多州科罗拉多泉附近的一个空军基地,举行了一次史无前例的太空作战模拟演习。演习的目的是探索在未来的太空作战中有效夺取并控制太空权的方法。国外军事分析家认为,此次太空作战演习已经清楚表明。美军正在加紧准备实施太空作战。 相似文献
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Contemporary network organizational structures have gradually developed over the last decades of the twentieth century. These new structures are challenging the traditional hierarchical structure form in a number of venues. In conflict and war, they made their potentials unequivocally known on 11 September 2001 via Al Qaeda's strategic suicide bombings against the United States. To better understand the military potentials of networks, an operational combat analysis of the Al Qaeda network was conducted. This analysis, a modification of weapons systems analysis, focused on network speed, along with offensive, defensive and combat multiplier attributes. Such analysis allows for a better understanding of the military capabilities and vulnerabilities of non-state OPFORs (opposing forces) and our own emergent counter-insurgency networks. 相似文献
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Tomas Kucera 《Journal of Military Ethics》2017,16(1-2):20-37
Humanitarian operations may pose challenges to which armed forces prepared for warfighting seem rather ill-equipped. It is the aim of this article to examine in what way military ethics should be adapted to humanitarian tasks. Two ideal types of military ethics are defined here: warfighting and humanitarian. The warfighting ethic is supposed to maximise the utility of the military in war and combat and to that end utilises the virtues of loyalty and honour. In contrast, humanitarian obligations require to a larger extent the development of personal integrity and an ability to follow one’s own conscience. The adaptation of military ethics is demonstrated in the case studies of the UK armed forces and the German Bundeswehr. Whereas the moral code of the UK armed forces remains anchored in the principles of the warfighting ethic, the case of the Bundeswehr presents a military ethic closely approximating the humanitarian ideal type. 相似文献
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Kevin Pollpeter 《战略研究杂志》2016,39(5-6):709-727
ABSTRACTThe Chinese military has embarked on a series of organizational and doctrinal reforms intended to better enable it to fight modern war. Prominent among these reforms is the growing emphasis on space to enable long-range precisions strikes and on counterspace to deny space capabilities to an adversary. The People’s Liberation Army (PLA) has officially designated space as a new domain and established an organization to command space forces. With this increased focus on space, the PLA may begin to develop a doctrine to govern the use of space in military operations. The higher priority given to space, especially space control, by the PLA coincides with similar actions by the US military, increasing the possibility of warfare in space and the risks of escalation. 相似文献
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Stephen D. Davis 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(1):49-71
US military operations are increasingly conducted within urban environments and with these operations come the risk of increasing the number of civilian casualties and infrastructure damage. The use of non-lethal weaponry, such as directed-energy weapons, is one method for minimizing collateral damage. This method enables US military forces to effectively fight within urban environments through force escalation capabilities. Using a series of historical examples and future scenarios for urban warfare, this article highlights deficiencies affecting military capabilities in military urban operations, addresses the consequences of collateral damage, assesses the effectiveness of directed-energy weapons in military urban operations and encourages further funding, research and integration of non-lethal weaponry, such as directed-energy weapons, within the US military. 相似文献
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发展国防太空力量是美国谋划大国竞争的战略支点。特朗普政府执政以来,为捍卫一超独霸的太空地位,加速推进太空军事化进程,已制定《国家太空战略》,签署新的太空政策指令,成立第六军种“天军”。2020年6月,美国公开最新版《国防太空战略》报告。本文对其梳理分析以研判美国国防太空力量发展动向,并运用网络调研法搜集近年美国政府部门关于国防太空力量发展的权威政策文本及知名智库的深度研究报告。在此基础上,把美国2020年最新版《国防太空战略》作为中心文本,以文献分析法归纳美国国防太空力量发展的动因、目标及行动计划。中国作为负责任的发展中太空大国,应当积极借鉴并应对美国2020年《国防太空战略》:内强素质,提升国防太空军事技术硬实力;外树形象,在国际场合积极推动太空和平利用的政策议程。 相似文献
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Albert Mauroni 《The Nonproliferation Review》2019,26(1-2):127-141
The US government initiated a Defense Counterproliferation Initiative to address the concern that, in the post-Cold War years, the proliferation of nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons would be widespread and create a significant challenge to the US military’s combat operations. In particular, non-nuclear states might use chemical or biological warfare agents against US forces with the belief that nuclear weapons would not be used against them in retaliation. Following the events of September 11, 2001, defense strategy and policy shifted to a wider view of the threat of adversarial use of “weapons of mass destruction” (WMD) and the term “counterproliferation” was replaced by “combating” or “countering WMD.” Over time, the Defense Department increasingly moved away from counterproliferation principles with the detrimental effect of losing capabilities that US forces still need for contemporary adversaries. This shift has been aggravated by other US government agencies’ use of “counterproliferation” in lieu of what would have been termed “nonproliferation” activities in the 1990s. The loss of clarity within the US government on these terms has led to the inability to focus the “whole of government” on this significant national security challenge. To alleviate this challenge, the US government needs a top-down initiative to refocus policy on the distinctly different aspects of WMD with respect to military combat operations, combating terrorism, and homeland security. 相似文献
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James A. Russell 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(2):263-278
The United States faces a series of strategic and policy conundrums as it attempts to promote strategic stability in the Persian Gulf and the wider Middle East. This article examines the relationship between a reduced US nuclear arsenal and strategic stability in the Persian Gulf and the Middle East. It argues that a series of interrelated political and military factors play a much more significant role in regional security and stability than the US strategic arsenal, which has never, with a few extraordinary exceptions, played a direct role in maintaining regional security. The United States has constructed a system of regional stability based on conventional deterrence and defense that has seen it forward base forces at various installations in the region in combination with efforts to arm, train, and equip host-nation militaries. Nuclear weapons have never played a prominent role in this regional system. Evidence presented in this article suggests that there is no compelling reason for the United States to abandon and/or modify the defensive system of conventional deterrence and defense by adding nuclear-backed guarantees to the mix. 相似文献
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由科学技术是第一生产力可以得出,科学的军事理论就是战斗力,也是第一战斗力。这个看似显见的论断并不是可有可无,而是值得直白昭示、大力宣扬,它彰显了军事理论的极端重要性。科学的军事理论把握国家安全拓展规律,是军事人才培养的总体方针;科学的军事理论洞察军事技术发展规律,是武器装备建设的根本指导;科学的军事理论洞悉战争演变规律,是作战方式创新的根本遵循。 相似文献