中国共产党在隐蔽战线上的斗争(九)——国共两党合作抗战前的秘密接触

一、隐蔽战线拉开国共第二次合作的序幕 日本侵略者继占领中国东三省以后,又把侵略的魔爪伸向华北.华北事变后,中日之间的民族矛盾急剧恶化,日本无止境的侵略欲望严重地威胁了国民党的统治地位,美英等西方国家与日本之间在华利益上的冲突进一步加剧,加之苏联政府的对华政策也在修正,并明确表示,只要中国的内战停止,国民党政府采取积极的抗日态度,苏联准备予以支持.在这样的形势之下,南京国民党政府的对内对外政策发生了微妙的变化,其坚持内战、坚决反共的顽固立场开始有所松动.     

抗战前后的于右任

自1937年7月7日“芦沟桥事变”始,中国人民举行了全面抗击日本帝国主义侵略的民族革命战争。在这一关系到国家前途和民族存亡的艰难岁月里身为国民党政府监察院院长年逾六旬的于右任先生,对蒋介石的不抵抗政策,共产党发表的《为抗日救亡告全体同胞》（《八一宣言》）,张、杨发动的通蒋抗日的“西安事变”,以及国共两党团结抗日等一系列重大问题,持何种态度,应如何评价？本文拟就上述问题,作一简要述略。（一）对蒋介石不抵抗政策之态度1931年日本挑起“九一八事变”时,驻沈阳南满站的日本联队不过一万余人,而中国在东北驻军有十九…     

论日本对华北沦陷区的统治政策

1931年至1945年日本帝国主义发动的侵华战争，是近代以来帝国主义侵华史上规模最大，范围最广，持续时间最长，给中华民族造成灾难最重的一场战争。在长达14年的侵华战争中，日本不仅在军事上对中国进行侵略，而且还对后方的沦陷区进行残酷的殖民统治。华北地区由于其特殊的地理及人文环境，日本在占领后采取了一系列特殊的统治政策，形成了鲜明的特点，并且以华北模式为母版在整个占领区进行推广，因而又具有其普遍性的一面。本文拟就日本对华北沦陷区的统治政策及手段进行阐述分析，进一步揭露日本侵华的罪恶本质。     

打破"囚笼"1940百团大战实录

1940年的夏秋,中国抗日战争进入第四个年头,八路军的迅猛发展,敌后抗日根据地的不断巩固和扩大,抗日游击战的积极展开,沉重打击了侵华日军。于是,日本在加紧对国民党政府进行政治诱降活动的同时,把进攻的矛头重点指向八路军,在华北地区实行以“铁路为柱、公路为链、碉堡为锁”的“囚笼政策”,加紧推行“肃正建设计划”,企图分割、封锁、摧毁华北各抗日根据地,巩固其占领区。     

江桥抗战始末

1931年九一八事变后,国民党政府对日本的侵略实行不抵抗政策,十几万东北军不战而退,没能有组织地打击日本侵略军,致使其长驱直入迅速占领东北大部国土。江桥抗战是中国军队第一次有组织的抗击日军进犯的作战,不仅是东北抗日战争也是中国抗日战争的首战。江桥抗战主要分江桥阻击战和三间房阻击战两个阶段,历时半个月。此次抗战虽败犹荣,为中国抗日战争史和世界反法西斯战争史谱写了光辉的一页。     

由国内战争走向抗日民族战争的转折点——西安事变

1936年,日本帝国主义不断扩大对中国的侵略,蒋介石坚持不抵抗政策,继续进行内战。以张学良为首的国民党东北军和以杨虎城为首的国民党第17路军,受中国红军和人民抗日运动的影响,同意中国共产党提出的建立抗日民族统一战线的主张,要求蒋介石联共抗日。蒋断然拒绝,并到西安逼迫张学良、杨虎城加紧“剿共”,下令镇压西安学生的抗日爱国运动。12月12日,张、杨发动西安事变,扣押蒋介石,实行“兵谏”。中国共产党支持张、畅的爱国行动,派遣周恩来到西安,同时主张在团结抗日的基础上和     

我抗日根据地军民粉碎日寇“三光”政策的斗争

日本帝国主义在侵华战争中,为了巩固和扩大其占领区,消灭抗日力量,曾对坚持敌后斗争的我各抗日根据地实行极野蛮的烧光、杀光、抢光的“三光”政策。我抗日根据地军民在中国共产党的领导下,同日寇的“三光”政策进行了艰苦卓绝的斗争。早在“九一八”事变后,日本侵略者就开始推行“三光”政策。1933年9月,日寇对我东北抗日联军战斗过的抚顺平顶山村进行“讨伐”时,把整个村庄烧光,残杀居民三千多人。1937年,日寇扩大侵华战争,在南京屠杀了我无辜群众三十多万人。1939年6月,日军华北方面军参谋长山下奉文批转的《关于山     

团结御侮 论东北抗日游击战争中的统一战线

东北抗日游击战争中的统一战线是东北抗战时期中国共产党为反对日本帝国主义的侵略,由东北抗日联军同各抗日武装、团体和一切可以团结的力量结成的联盟。它是中国抗日民族统一战线和世界反法西斯统一战线的重要组成部分,对推动东北抗日战争的发展和夺取中国抗战的胜利起了重要的作用。它是中国共产党及其东北党组织把马克思主义的策略原则同东北抗日斗争的实际相结合,取得的一个积极成果。     

从若干材料看我军在抗战中的主力军作用

“从一九三七年七月七日芦沟桥事变到一九三八年十月武汉失守这一个时期内,国民党政府的对日作战是比较努力的”,“国民党政府政策的重点还放在反对日本侵略者身上”。这是毛泽东同志对国民党在抗日战争战略防御阶段的评价。在抗日战争转入战略相持阶段后,国民党政府则采取了消极抗日、积极反共的方针,其军队在日本侵略军局部性进攻面前,不但不坚持抗战,反而在日本侵略军大规模“扫荡”解放区战场时,乘机掀起三次反共高潮,制造军事磨擦,破坏抗战团结,削弱抗战力量,因而,国民党的抗战地位和作用也随之不断下降。与此相反,中国共产党从“九一八”事变起,就坚决主张抗日,组织东北抗日联军,积极领导抗日救亡运动。芦沟桥事变后,又指挥八路军、新四军实行由国内阶级战争到民族解     

爱国御侮的民族精神永放光辉──纪念中国抗日战争胜利50周年

爱国御侮的民族精神永放光辉──纪念中国抗日战争胜利５０周年支绍曾中国抗日战争,是在中国共产党倡导的抗日民族统一战线旗帜下,以国共合作为基础,全国各界各族人民,各民主党派、抗日团体、社会各阶层爱国人士和海外侨胞广泛参加的,反抗日本帝国主义侵略的民族解放...     

试论“大警卫”格局的构建

随着我国社会主义现代化进程的不断发展及党和国家领导人对警卫形式的要求，警卫工作的格局也在随社会的进步、发展而不断发展完善。“大警卫”格局的构建需要党委和政府，军、警等武装力量，人民群众等各方面的共同努力。     

Evaluating the Spillover Effects of the Colombian Conflict in Ecuador

The Colombian civil war lasted for nearly six decades with approximately 10 percent of its population being displaced over the same period. The implications of this conflict have transgressed international boundaries. Countries such as Ecuador experienced an exodus of victims as well as an increase in the presence of armed groups, along with the proliferation of illegal businesses. Even though the internal social and economic consequences of the Colombian conflict have been documented in the literature, there is yet to be a study addressing these issues from the perspective of impacted neighboring countries. In this work, we contribute to the literature by evaluating whether the influx of asylum seekers and the increasing presence of armed groups in the bordering provinces of Ecuador have lead to an increase in violence among these provinces. We do not find any link between the arrival of asylum seekers and the incidence of violent crimes in the Ecuadorean bordering provinces. Similarly, our results indicate that despite an increase in the presence of armed groups, these regions did not experience an increase in the homicide rates significantly different from the other provinces. The results are robust to various specifications and econometric techniques.     

Does defence expenditure have a spillover effect on income inequality? A cross-regional analysis in China

China’s defence expenditure has been growing rapidly along with GDP growth during the past two decades. Meanwhile, the income gap has continued to increase. There are conflicting views regarding whether the defence expenditure is capable of reducing income inequality. Therefore, this paper investigates the existence of any spillover effect of defence expenditure on income inequality, with a special focus on the regional differences among 31 provinces and 7 military regions in China. We extend panel cointegration and the impulse response function by using panel data during the period of 1997–2012. The empirical results show that the defence expenditure has an impact on income inequality, and the effect varies over different regions in China. The defence expenditure has a spillover effect on income inequality in the full sample panel and the southeastern panel. An increase in the defence expenditure does not crowd out social welfare spending due to the high level of economic development and government expenditure. On the contrary, in the northern panel, the effect is opposite because of the unbalanced economic development levels within the panel. Beijing as the capital of China, benefits more from the expansion of defence expenditure thus widening the income gap. In addition, the impulse response analyses further confirm a stronger effect of the defence expenditure on income inequality in the northern and the southeastern panels over a short period.     

运用人民战争思想营造良好警卫环境

人民战争思想是战争年代我军战胜日本帝国主义和国民党反动派的强大思想武器，和平建设时期的警卫工作同样需要运用人民战争思想营造良好的警卫环境，为完成繁重的警卫任务创造条件。因此，在全社会构建大警卫格局具有极其重要的意义。     

消防部队承担地震紧急救援任务的思考

近年来,国家地震局依托消防部队在23个省市消防特勤部队成立了省级地震灾害紧急救援队。公安消防部队参加地震紧急救援工作具备一定优势,但也还存在不少困难。分析了消防部队承担地震灾害紧急救援任务的优势及存在的问题,并从体制、训练机制、器材装备建设、救援机制等方面提出了解决问题的对策。     

省部共建高校的服务定位：打造区域经济社会发展的核心动力源

省部共建高校是我国高等教育的重要组成部分，其服务应立足区域经济建设和社会发展的需要，一方面推进区域自主创新，另一方面实现学校自身又好又快的发展。该文从人才培养、科技创新、社会服务、文化辐射四方面分析了省部共建高校的服务定位，提出力争将其建设成为推动区域经济社会发展的核心动力源，成为地方高校发展的示范集群。     

Indian and Chinese espionage

India and China both have powerful spy networks; completely different in their approaches to espionage; both effective against their perceived enemies. China focuses first on internal threats, on Taiwan and Hong Kong, and then the US and Japan. India’s defense policy focuses on Pakistan and internal terrorist threats, and then on China. In reality, however, when it comes to spying on each other, both China and India suffer from incompetence and apathy – which endangers both their own security and regional stability. This article looks at how they spy on each other, and asks why and how they need to improve. The narrative also touches upon some of the individuals who are waging the spy war, from India’s wily spymaster Ajit Doval down to junior Chinese agents such as Wang Qing and Pema Tsering. The two countries are not friends. They have the largest territorial dispute in the world on their hands, covering an area the size of North Korea, and they have large armies facing each other along 4000 kilometers of frontier. But they also lay claim to the world’s two oldest and richest civilizations, with a rich history of exchange, and now with a combined population of 2.6 billion people and more than a quarter of the world’s economic output. If they cooperated, they could solve many of the world’s problems; but if they lurch into conflict, the potential consequences are terrifying to contemplate. Unfortunately, despite their geographical closeness, they do not know much about each other. They have few cultural interchanges, little diplomacy, few trade missions. They do not watch each other’s films, read each other’s books or listen to each other’s music. Chinese tourists would rather fly to New Zealand for their holidays than cross the border to India, and Indian students would rather study in Europe than China. China and India are neighbors that barely talk to each other. Most significantly, they do not spy on each competently. For countries that do not interact socially, defensive understanding is important for security – but China prefers the glamor of facing up to its Pacific and other maritime rivals such as the US and Japan. India, for its part, does talk a great deal about the China threat, but its resources and expertise are wrapped up in controlling its security threat from Pakistan and the Islamic world. When China and India do try to spy on each other, it is often without the benefit of a long-term focus or understanding. India has some very skilled operatives within the Research and Analysis Wing, but few that specialize in China. China has an enormous pool of resources spread across several government departments, including the Ministry of Public Security, and also has extensive facilities and manpower in the Joint Staff Department of the Central Military Commission (the JSD) and the new Strategic Support Force (the SSF). However, China’s intelligence services generally behave as if India is not worth spying on. Given that the two countries do not have the cultural or political machinery in place to understand each other, espionage and intelligence gathering is vital to ensure that miscalculations do not take place. This has been apparent over the last few years in stand-offs in the Himalaya, as well as top-level suspicions on each side about a variety of subjects including terrorism, covert operations in Sri Lanka and Burma, and the two countries’ nuclear weapons programs. Both countries do occasionally make efforts in espionage against each other, especially during sensitive periods such as the mountain stand-offs of 2014 and 2013 and during policy developments in nuclear warfare. In this article the author looks at actual spying incidents between the two countries, their methodologies, their staff, their technical capabilities, and how the act of spying, which is usually viewed as intrinsically adversarial, can be a force for good. The article relies on interviews with actual participants in intelligence from both countries as well as extensive use of contemporary online sources, and secondary analysis by both military and academic experts from China, India and NATO countries.     

ANALYSING THE DETERMINANTS OF TERRORISM IN TURKEY USING GEOGRAPHICALLY WEIGHTED REGRESSION

This paper investigates the determinants of provincial terrorism in Turkey taking spatial dimension into account for the time period 1990–2006. Following a traditional global regression analysis, spatial variations in the relationships are examined with geographically weighted regression (GWR) to obtain locally different parameter estimates. Empirical results indicate that increases in income and schooling ratio tend to reduce the provincial average level of terrorism, whereas an increase in unemployment enhances it. Moreover, GWR results indicate that the provincial effects of per capita income and education are more pronounced for the Eastern and South Eastern provinces compared to the Western provinces.     

Maintaining peace in a neighbourhood torn by separatism: the case of Satun province in southern Thailand

While separatist-related conflict has re-emerged in southern Thailand, there is one predominantly Muslim border province that has remained outside of the conflict. Satun province has been conspicuously unaffected by the Malay-Muslim separatist movement, despite its shared history and ethnic origins with the conflict-affected provinces. In contrast to Pattani, Yala, and Narathiwat, the process of state penetration in Satun was gradual and comparatively less coercive, leading to relative stability and encouraging political and economic integration. This comparative study analyzes the history of cooperative state–minority relations and political stability in Satun province, and draws important lessons directly applicable to the unrest in neighbouring provinces.     

生物可降解润滑剂的特点及发展

生物可降解润滑剂是润滑剂发展的主要趋势,国内在这方面研究尚属空白。 详细论述了生物润滑剂的组成、特点、生物降解机理及评定方法;介绍了国外生物降解润滑 剂的发展和现状,分析了其发展所面临的挑战。同时,展望其在21世纪发展趋势与应用前 景;并针对国内发展生物降解润滑剂提出一些建议。