联合国维和行动50年大事记

一、联合国维和行动的产生和基本原则联合国维和行动是为了帮助维护或恢复冲突地区的和平,由联合国组织的有军事人员参与、但无强制执行权力的行动。维和行动由联合国秘书长指挥,一般由安理会授权,特殊情况下由联合国大会、特别联大或紧急特别联大授权。维和行动分为两...     

国际维和行动中官兵心理防护研究

国际维和行动是指联合国根据有关决议向冲突地区派遣军事人员以恢复或维护和平的行动。我国从1989年开始参加国际维和行动,迄今先后参加了19项联合国维和行动,累计派出维和人员15000多人次。我国维和官兵在维和任务区面临全新的环境,担负着紧张而繁重的任务,同时面对着各种疾病的威胁,部分维和官兵表现出一些心理问题。因此,认真研究国际维和行动中官兵心理问题及成因,选择切实可行的心理防护路径,对于维护官兵身心健康、确保维和任务完成具有重要意义。     

联合国维和行动的发展及其面临的主要挑战

第二代维和行动维和行动数量剧增,规模变大;维和行动战略从“维持”和平向“建设”和平发展;维和行动由主要处理国与国之间的冲突转为主要处理国内各派别的冲突;维和行动职能由单一转向多元;维和行动部署方式由过去的“线性”变为“非线性”;维和行动的主体增加,维和行动组成日趋混杂。联合国维和行动面临着“强力”维和挑战传统原则;维和行动资源严重短缺;维和人员所承担的安全风险越来越大;维和行动的有效性难有质的提高;单边主义妨碍联合国发挥作用。     

论当今国际维和行动发展和趋势

本文从当今国际维和行动现状出发,分析了国际维和行动的特点,剖析了国际维和行动面临的挑战问题,最后对国际维和行动的发展提出几点思考,并系统阐述了维和行动的相关问题。     

联合国维和警察常备警力研究

随着维和行动的不断发展和演变,联合国维和警察的快速部署方式也已经从过去的待命安排机制过渡到目前的常备警力。常备警力的设立不但缩短了新任务区警察部门建构的周期,提高了警察工作效率,还可指导或直接参与任务区当地执法、司法和监狱管理工作,并适时开展对警察部门行动能力的评价和评估,向任务区警察警监提出建议。梳理联合国维和警察常备警力的概念、历史沿革、组建及职责,提出组建中国维和警察常备警力的建议。     

联合国利比里亚维和行动案例研究

中国维和警察在协助利比里亚政府组建警察部队、恢复法治、培训当地警察、监督指导当地警察执法、缓解冲突等方面较好地履行了职责，受到维和警察总部和当地民众的好评。深入了解该任务区的机制和特点，总结经验，吸取教训，对于中国维和警察工作大有益处。     

我军维和卫勤保障行动法律问题探析

面对我军执行维和卫勤保障任务的常态化,应帮助参加维和的医务人员了解我国(军)执行联合国维和卫勤保障行动的概况,掌握维和卫勤保障行动的主要内容及特点,熟悉和遵守维和卫勤保障的法律原则,尤其是注意把握好执行卫勤保障行动中应注意的具体法律问题。     

中国“蓝盔”：为世界和平出征

应联合国请求。我国首批12名维和警察于4月26日奔赴联合目科素沃任务区执行维和任务。这是我国第一次向这—任务区派遣维和警察．也是继波黑任务区之后．再次向欧洲地区派遣维和警察。在过去十多年间,中国在联合国维和行动中承担了重要的义务．中国对国际事务的广泛参与日益凸现了它在世界舞台上的地位。     

美国在非洲维和的经验教训及其启示

开展维和行动是实现联合国宗旨和维护世界安全与稳定的重要手段。作为联合国安理会五大常任理事国之一,美国是联合国完成维和任务不可或缺的,甚至具有决定性作用的国家。冷战时期美国的非洲维和行动在争吵和小心翼翼中进行,冷战后美国的非洲维和战略经历了积极主动向有选择地介入转变的过程,当前美国的非洲维和行动则是在崇尚自主的前提下推广美国特色的维和,以期最大限度地彰显美国实力、维护美国核心利益。审视美国非洲维和战略的演变,汲取足够的经验教训,有利于更好地根据世情和国情定位中国未来的维和战略。     

试述中国维和警察工作的开创与发展

中国参与联合国维和行动的历程到中国维和警察工作的发展,以及参与维和行动的具体实践,体现了大国责任,实践证明,参与维和行动已经成为可调动的战略资源,为融入国际安全机制提供有效途径。     

联合国维和行动立法问题研究

从立法主体和立法形式的角度探讨联合国维持和平行动的立法问题。尽管联合国大会并不是维和行动适格的立法机构，但是维和行动的国际法依据是国家和国际组织在实践中长期形成的惯例。其立法主体资格实质上是一个共享问题，因此，由联合国组织立法应当是最为适宜的。就立法形式而言，采用由联合国主持缔结维和条约的形式最具有可行性，也最为合理。     

中国维和警察防暴队开展群众工作之我见

中国维和警察防暴队在维和任务区开展群众工作,是维护当地局势稳定和执行联合国宪章的需要。应本着尊重当地民风民俗的原则,从做好宣传工作入手,传播进步、文明的生活方式,严格遵守群众纪律,爱护当地民众的财产,维护当地民众的利益。     

试论联合国维和行动的法律性质

联合国维持和平行动的法律性质在国际法学界一直存在争议。在维和行动与其他国际军事或准军事行动的辨析中我们可以看到维和行动自身所独具的法律特征。维和行动的法律依据尽管未有定论,但依据其实践与发展的现实状况,我们可以将它的法律性质概括为:联合国属准军事行动性质,国际法约定的默示授权性质,维护国家间独立平等的工具性质等。     

中国对联合国维和行动的贡献

随着我国改革开放的逐步深入和经济建设的蓬勃发展 ,我国的综合国力不断增强 ,中国参与联合国维和事务的范围和能力也日益扩大 ,投入不断增加 ,这充分体现了中国作为联合国安理会常任理事国在国际事务中的重要作用和影响     

Why do they serve? Changes and differences in motives of Danish soldiers deployed to peace-keeping and peace-enforcing missions

This paper investigates what motivates young people to volunteer for peace-keeping or peace-enforcing missions and how their motives change between pre- and post-deployment. Data include information about social and military background, and motives for more than 600 soldiers, 444 of whom answered the survey both before and after deployment. Soldiers are deployed to different missions under the same circumstances. To conceptualize motives among soldiers, we use factor analysis and find three factors: challenge, self-benefit, and fidelity. Challenge represents an occupational orientation; fidelity, an institutional orientation; and self-benefit, a desire for adventure. Exploiting the within-subject design of our data, we find that pre- and post-deployment motives vary significantly according to the type of mission and soldiers’ previous experiences (first-timers or experienced soldiers). Our results suggest that after the mission, peace-keepers are generally more disappointed than peace-enforcers. Our results also show that self-benefit motives are important for younger soldiers with only a high school education, and that this group usually serves as peace-enforcers during their gap year.     

I DESIRE,THEREFORE I PROLIFERATE

It is rare to find a well-formulated study that describes the behavioral aspects of leadership in the political realm. Even more infrequent is a combined study of individual behaviors as it applies to a large techno-political issue such as nuclear proliferation. India, Argentina, Australia, and France are used as cases for application of a national identity conception model. The model is based on two dimensions, solidarity and status, that when combined, result in a leader's identification with other nations’ abilities to be a player in the nuclear arms community. While the work is behavioral in context, there is no effort to avoid the technological side of proliferation, so as to provide a balanced review of a complex issue.     

Strategic terrorism: The framework and its fallacies

This article seeks to lay out a comprehensive framework by which those who utilize a campaign of strategic terrorism seek to attain their ends. It identifies a distinctive modus operandi: 1) disorientation: to alienate the authorities from their citizens, reducing the government to impotence in the eyes of the population; 2) target response: to induce a target to respond in a manner that is favorable to the insurgent cause; 3) gaining legitimacy: to exploit the emotional impact of the violence to insert an alternative political message. By elucidating the strategy of terrorism, the analysis also reveals its inherent limitations. Resting on the premise that a militarily more powerful adversary will in some way feel restrained from bringing the full force of its military superiority to bear, the strategy relies exclusively on the exploitation of the psychological effects of armed action, thereby rendering it vulnerable to those who are willing to view the resolution of clashes of interest principally in terms of the tangibles of military power.     

FROM PROLIFERATION TO PEACE

Despite both regional and international efforts to establish a weapons of mass destruction–free zone (WMDFZ) in the Middle East, regional support beyond mere rhetoric seems unattainable. The lack of commitment to WMD disarmament results from the complexity of regional security dynamics, which are characterized by a high level of weaponization and crosscutting conflicts. This article examines a strategy for WMD disarmament in the Middle East. First, such a strategy must reflect the motives underlying a state's WMD aspirations. Security and prestige may be identified as two motives that affect the acquisition, and thus also the abandonment, of WMD. Second, Egypt, Iran, Israel, and Syria are important actors because their reasons for desiring WMD cannot be considered apart from each other, and progress will consequently depend on the inclusion of all these actors. In this regard, we recommend the establishment of a parallel process between efforts to establish a WMDFZ and peaceful relations in the Middle East. Solving central problems, like the lack of political determination and security cooperation, is vital to create consensus on the final framework of a zone. This study suggests a way forward by analyzing the central causes of conflict in the region and recommending ways to resolve them in order to establish a WMDFZ.     

Towards a new national security policy for Canada

Canada is now at a crossroads unlike any other period in its history and needs to carefully consider which path to take. With the new Trudeau government comfortably ensconced since the defeat of the Harper government in the fall of 2015, a variety of competing interests have emerged in an attempt to turn Canadian policy back to a more nostalgic period of the 1970s that some see as preferable to the institutional lash-up that existed since the rolling out of the Canada First policy in the 2000s. That nostalgic period is, however, misunderstood both willfully for political purposes but also through a lack of historical context. Firmly rooting future actions in a blunt analysis of national interests is preferable to the alternative.     

高层公寓建筑防火设计探讨

高层公寓的火灾特点不同于普通的高层住宅，其火灾危险性高于普通住宅。分析了高层公寓的火灾特点，并从消防车作业面、安全疏散、防火分隔、防排烟、灭火设施、内装修等方面提出了高层公寓防火设计应注意的问题。