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接收机在进行窄带干扰抑制后,其输出信号的相关峰会发生分裂。使用传统的基于信号到达时间的抗转发欺骗干扰算法,会使得捕获锁定的相关值为真实信号的旁瓣。针对该问题提出一种基于局部相关值最大的时延检测方法,在真实信号相关峰分裂所产生的旁瓣与欺骗信号不重合前提下,通过对主瓣三个码片范围内最大值的搜索,保证捕获不会锁定在旁瓣,再选择局部最大值中的最早码相位点从而避免锁定到转发欺骗干扰。与传统的基于信号到达时间的抗转发欺骗干扰算法相比,在无窄带干扰情况下,所提算法性能相当;在存在窄带干扰情况下,其性能明显优于传统算法。通过数值仿真验证了方法的有效性。 相似文献
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存在窄带干扰情况下,接收机在进行干扰抑制后,其输出信号的相关峰会发生分裂,使用传统的基于信号传输时延的抗转发欺骗干扰方法,会使得捕获锁定的相关值在真实信号的旁瓣。针对该问题提出了一种基于局部相关值最大的信号时延检测方法,在真实信号相关峰分裂产生的旁瓣与欺骗信号不重合前提下,通过对两个码片范围内最大值的搜索,保证捕获不会锁定在旁瓣,再通过选择局部最大值中最早码相位点来避免锁定到转发欺骗干扰。与传统的方法相比,在无窄带干扰情况下,其与基于信号传输时延的抗转发欺骗干扰方法性能相当,在存在窄带干扰情况下其性能明显优于传统的基于信号传输时延的抗转发欺骗干扰方法。通过数值仿真验证了本文方法的有效性。 相似文献
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针对北斗信号欺骗干扰模型及终端影响研究不足的现状,首先讨论了北斗导航信号欺骗干扰模型,重点研究了同步码相位和异步码相位两种新型诱导式欺骗模型,分析得出后者技术可行性更高;然后,在Matlab环境下仿真了北斗欺骗干扰信号,通过信号捕获相关峰验证了功率相同情况下欺骗干扰的干扰效果;最后,用搭建的实验平台测试了欺骗干扰对北斗接收机的影响。结果表明:在接收机稳定跟踪真实信号的前提下,对某型北斗接收机成功实施欺骗干扰的临界干扰功率条件为25 dB左右,该结论为北斗接收机欺骗干扰检测和防御提供了一定的技术支撑。 相似文献
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对目前导航卫星授时接收机面临的干扰模型和应对措施进行了归纳总结。结合授时接收机工作原理和特点,给出了授时接收机加固的通用框架。在此基础上,对授时接收机加固技术的发展趋势进行了分析,提出了基于钟差辅助和网络辅助的两种干扰检测方法。前者充分利用了多系统多卫星钟差数据的冗余性和本地时钟的特性,后者则利用了授时接收机网络具备数据通信和广域覆盖的特点。通过干扰检测结果给出完好性评估并引导授时接收机的工作模式,可以提升复杂干扰环境下卫星授时的可靠性和完好性。 相似文献
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基于DRFM的机载PD雷达干扰研究 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
针对传统干扰技术对PD雷达干扰的不足,噪声干扰对干扰机功率要求高,欺骗干扰产生的干扰数目单一,基于当前对抗先进体制雷达的手段——DRFM,对PD雷达干扰进行研究。通过将截获的雷达信号存储、处理,按程序设定的转发间隔重复读出当前采样信号并转发,产生了多个距离欺骗假目标;通过对每次转发干扰进行频率调制,产生了包含距离速度欺骗的一系列假目标;并经过Matable仿真验证了在PD雷达窄带滤波器中,出现多个距离或速度欺骗假目标。并通过仿真验证了干扰的有效性。 相似文献
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针对目前间歇采样转发干扰(interrupted sampling repeater jamming,ISRJ)多假目标分布均匀与次假目标衰减快的缺点,提出一种间歇混沌采样灵巧干扰(interrupted chaotic sampling smart jamming,ICSSJ)生成算法。该算法首先产生Tent混沌序列,通过该序列控制采样时间窗长度和转发时间窗长度,生成间歇混沌采样信号,产生非均匀密集假目标群;其次,通过灵巧噪声对间歇混沌采样信号进行卷积调制,提高次假目标群归一化幅度,增加有效假目标数量;最后与间歇采样转发干扰中的切片干扰和脉冲随机转发干扰进行仿真对比实验。结果表明,该算法解决了多假目标分布均匀与次假目标衰减快的缺点,更好地兼顾了压制干扰与欺骗干扰的效果,大幅增加雷达接收机对干扰信号参数估计的难度,进而使得雷达识别与抑制假目标的能力大幅下降。 相似文献
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Lord Aikins Adusei 《African Security Review》2013,22(3):332-359
Energy continues to serve as the bedrock of modern economies and the main driver of modern society. For Africa, the production and supply of energy resources such as crude oil, natural gas, uranium, coal, biomass, biofuels and other renewables are an important source of employment, rents, taxes, royalties and profits. This sector brings in several tens of billions of dollars of revenue annually. The production and delivery of such resources, however, depend on critical infrastructures such as pipelines, refineries, processing plants, terminals, rigs, electrical energy pylons, substations, pump stations, vessels, and tankers. These infrastructures have been attacked by terrorists, insurgents, vandals and saboteurs, all of whom see them as targets against which to register their grievances and extract concessions from the state. This paper is a chronological account of some of the documented incidents of terrorism, insurgency, kidnapping, destruction, sabotage, and human casualties suffered in the oil and gas sectors in Africa between 1999 and 2012. It is based on data extracted from the databases of the RAND Database of World Terrorism Incidents and the University of Maryland's Global Terrorism Database (GTD). 相似文献
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In the Post-Bipolar Era the growing complexity of the military operations requires a new approach for the resolution of international crises. Since the end of the Cold War, peace support operations (PSO) have become the mainstay and principal occupation of most Western armies. At the same time, Italy has been one of the most important actors in such an area. The article focuses on the cooperation between military and civil components (a process called CIMIC) as a key variable in the Italian PSOs. We will analyse in detail the main lessons learned from past military interventions as well as the general context in which new tendencies are taking place. The maintaining of a minimum security frame becomes essential to fulfil activities ‘collateral’ to the mission: reconstructing services and infrastructure, food distribution, water and medication, law and order, de-mining, training of local forces, and supporting local institutions. These are the main tasks to obtain thrust and support from the population. 相似文献
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This article demonstrates the inconsistent and wavering Soviet attitude towards national liberation movements in general and the Palestinian organizations in particular. Until the late 1960s, the Soviets viewed these organizations with suspicion, hesitating to engage in political dialogue with them. However, in the 1970s, political and military events in the region, as well as modifications in the Kremlin's Cold War strategies, led to a general shift towards the Middle East in Soviet foreign policy. Soviet leaders showed increased willingness to provide certain Palestinian organizations with arms with which to conduct terrorist activities against Israeli, pro-Israeli, Jewish and Western targets. The article explores the complex relations between Palestinian organizations and the USSR in the field of international terror. The study also exposes and analyzes the nature and content of Soviet–Palestinian arms dialogues and transactions. It provides clear evidence that Soviet policymakers and other luminaries were fully informed of, and sometimes directly involved in, these transactions and dialogues at the highest levels. 相似文献
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Paul Rich 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(1):39-56
The September 11 global crisis prompted by the attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon raises major questions concerning the nature and trajectory of terrorism in the post-Cold War global order. Hitherto, terrorism has been largely debated by analysts at the level of nation states. Terrorist and insurgent movements have also been largely anchored in nationalist and ethnic power bases even when they have sought to mobilise a transnational ideological appeal on religious or class grounds. There have been a few exceptions to this pattern such as the alliance between the German Baader-Meinhof group and the Japanese Red Army Faction, but even such international alliances as this did not, until at least the 1980s, presage anything like a global terrorist network necessitating a global strategic response. This study examines terrorism and global strategic responses. 相似文献
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Jelmer Brouwer 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(5):835-856
This article analyses to what extent the Burmese KNU insurgency made use of external support from states, refugees, and diasporas. Based on extensive fieldwork it is concluded that support from neighbouring states and refugees has for years kept the Karen rebellion alive. Western countries perceived forms of resistance to the illegitimate Burmese regime as just and have therefore played a crucial role in the continuation of conflict in Karen State. It is important that policymakers and donors as well as executing organizations continue to reflect critically on the way they exercise their work. 相似文献
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Aleksander Zdravkovski 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(5-6):941-963
ABSTRACTWhat was the scope of the Bosnian jihadi participation in the war in Syria? Did the Bosnian volunteers tend to join one particular faction? Why did the Bosnian youngsters decide to join the holy war in the Levant? Was this an organized and hierarchical process or was this a grassroots movement? Last, were all the Salafis in Bosnia supportive of this dynamic or did this process cause internal frictions? These are some of the questions that this research will try to answer. 相似文献
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Christopher Davis 《Defence and Peace Economics》2013,24(3):145-177
The Soviet Union was able to develop a large military-industrial complex and become the world's second superpower despite deficiencies in its centrally planned economy because defence was given high priority status and special planning, rationing and administrative mechanisms were used to attain national security objectives. However, in the period 1976-85 the effectiveness of priority protection diminished and defence institutions experienced more of the problems typical of the shortage economic system. The heavy defence burden also created growing difficulties for the civilian economy. The attempts by the Gorbachev government to reform the defence sector and improve defence-economic relationships during perestroika (1985-91) uniformly failed. For most of the transition period, the Russian military-industrial complex has been adversely affected by its low priority status, cuts in defence spending, instability of the hybrid politico-economic system, and negative growth of the economy. The armed forces and defence industry have been reduced in size and their outputs of military services and equipment have fallen to low levels. Nevertheless, the Russian armed forces still have over one million troops, significant stocks of sophisticated conventional weapons, and a large nuclear arsenal. The government of President Putin has raised the priority of the defence sector, increased real defence spending, and adopted ambitious plans to revive Russian military power. It is likely, though, that tight resource constraints will hamper efforts to reform the armed forces and to upgrade weapons. By 2010 Russia will be an important, but not dominant, military power in Eurasia. 相似文献
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Bettina Renz 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(1):55-77
The collapse of the Soviet Union precipitated the massive expansion of drug use and trade in Russia. The country now has one of the largest populations of injecting drug users in the world and has become the largest single-country market for Afghan heroin. In 2003 the Federal Service for the Control of the Drugs Trade was created to coordinate a comprehensive counternarcotics strategy appropriate to the scale of this threat. The service continues to face a number of challenges in its early stages of development. However, it has made considerable advances in improving responses to large-scale organised crime and in building international cooperation. 相似文献