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超急速爆发沸腾研究的新实验方法 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
在总结分析前人实验方法的优缺点基础上 ,在国内首次建成了超急速爆发实验台 ,其特点如下 :加热和测温信号互不干扰 ,温度测量频响快、精度高 ,且避免了测量滞后 ,温度测量动态响应时间小于 1μs ;采用高压电火花放电技术 ,高速照相速度快 ;采用了汽泡轮廓清晰并可以研究整个过程以及光源强度要求低的侧照方式 .照相最高放大倍数可达 10 0倍 ,研究范围为 1~ 90 0 μs . 相似文献
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短脉冲激光作用下丙酮液池的沸腾研究 总被引:2,自引:1,他引:1
采用短脉冲激光加热浸没在丙酮液体里的铂金属薄膜的实验方法并结合数值模拟计算 ,研究了高温升率条件下丙酮液体温度场随时间的变化规律及汽泡行为 ,得出了丙酮液池温度边界层的数量级大约为 4 0~ 70μm,确定了铂镀层表面的反射损失 ,认为薄汽膜的形成和热边界层外移 ,是激光脉冲过后很长一段时间内汽泡依然长大的主要原因 相似文献
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通过实验和数值模拟计算 ,研究了瞬时、强热流极端条件下铂薄膜表面覆盖和不覆盖细小金属颗粒时丙酮液体和金属颗粒温度场分布及其变化规律 .确定了温升速率、温度梯度和温度边界层厚度 ,发现了常规沸腾难以解释的现象 ,并指出覆盖金属颗粒后虽然沸腾极为激烈 ,但难以达到极高的温升速率 ,而不覆盖金属颗粒却容易产生爆发沸腾 相似文献
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为研究超声深滚处理技术(Ultrasonic Deep Rolling,UDR)对零件表面损伤的抗疲劳修复与强化作用,制备了Ti-6Al-4V缺口疲劳试件,采用UDR技术对缺口疲劳试件进行了深滚强化处理。通过疲劳试验对比了深滚处理前后的缺口试件的抗疲劳性能。采用体视显微镜对疲劳断口和深滚处理后缺口附近的塑性变形进行了观察分析,根据名义应力法和局部应力应变法对缺口件的疲劳寿命进行了计算,并与试验结果进行了比较。结果表明:试验结果与计算结果较接近;与未经超声深滚处理的试件相比,经超声深滚处理后缺口试件的疲劳强度由276 MPa提高到523 MPa。断口分析表明:经超声深滚处理后疲劳裂纹源下移到缺口根部以下0.68 mm处,说明超声深滚在缺口根部引入的残余压应力是提高缺口试件疲劳强度的主要原因。 相似文献
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采用称量法研究了温度、压力对浸泡在水中的GF/E-51试件吸湿性的影响;通过短梁剪切实验研究了温度、压力和浸泡时间对GF/E-51剪切强度的影响,使用体视显微镜观察了浸泡60d后GF/E-51的截面形貌。结果表明:温度对试件的吸湿影响较大,与30℃时相比,50℃时的平衡吸湿量增了145.0%,扩散系数增加了47.6%,50%吸湿量以前的平均吸湿速率增加了3倍,温度升高,加速了GF/E-51试件吸湿由Fick扩散到非Fick扩散的转变;压力对复合材料吸湿及吸湿试样的剪切强度有明显的影响:压力升高,抑制了树脂基体的溶胀,延缓了GF/E-51试件吸湿由Fick扩散到非Fick扩散的转变,减轻了溶胀对剪切强度影响,浸泡60d后,剪切强度保留率保持不变,但5atm/30℃水中试件剪切强度保留率比1atm/30℃条件下高3.97%、比1atm/50℃条件下高5.17%。 相似文献
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1.引言固体材料受高能激光脉冲辐照时,激光能量沉积到它的表面,使一簿层材料烧蚀。汽化材料迅速膨胀,其反作用在固体材料中引起一个热激波。热激波传播到固体的自由表面之后,反射稀疏波中的负压强可能达到材料的抗拉强度,使其断裂而形成一个痂片,裂缝成为新的自由表面,可能再次形成新的痂片,这样使材料发生层裂破坏。 相似文献
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Lord Aikins Adusei 《African Security Review》2013,22(3):332-359
Energy continues to serve as the bedrock of modern economies and the main driver of modern society. For Africa, the production and supply of energy resources such as crude oil, natural gas, uranium, coal, biomass, biofuels and other renewables are an important source of employment, rents, taxes, royalties and profits. This sector brings in several tens of billions of dollars of revenue annually. The production and delivery of such resources, however, depend on critical infrastructures such as pipelines, refineries, processing plants, terminals, rigs, electrical energy pylons, substations, pump stations, vessels, and tankers. These infrastructures have been attacked by terrorists, insurgents, vandals and saboteurs, all of whom see them as targets against which to register their grievances and extract concessions from the state. This paper is a chronological account of some of the documented incidents of terrorism, insurgency, kidnapping, destruction, sabotage, and human casualties suffered in the oil and gas sectors in Africa between 1999 and 2012. It is based on data extracted from the databases of the RAND Database of World Terrorism Incidents and the University of Maryland's Global Terrorism Database (GTD). 相似文献
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In the Post-Bipolar Era the growing complexity of the military operations requires a new approach for the resolution of international crises. Since the end of the Cold War, peace support operations (PSO) have become the mainstay and principal occupation of most Western armies. At the same time, Italy has been one of the most important actors in such an area. The article focuses on the cooperation between military and civil components (a process called CIMIC) as a key variable in the Italian PSOs. We will analyse in detail the main lessons learned from past military interventions as well as the general context in which new tendencies are taking place. The maintaining of a minimum security frame becomes essential to fulfil activities ‘collateral’ to the mission: reconstructing services and infrastructure, food distribution, water and medication, law and order, de-mining, training of local forces, and supporting local institutions. These are the main tasks to obtain thrust and support from the population. 相似文献
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This article demonstrates the inconsistent and wavering Soviet attitude towards national liberation movements in general and the Palestinian organizations in particular. Until the late 1960s, the Soviets viewed these organizations with suspicion, hesitating to engage in political dialogue with them. However, in the 1970s, political and military events in the region, as well as modifications in the Kremlin's Cold War strategies, led to a general shift towards the Middle East in Soviet foreign policy. Soviet leaders showed increased willingness to provide certain Palestinian organizations with arms with which to conduct terrorist activities against Israeli, pro-Israeli, Jewish and Western targets. The article explores the complex relations between Palestinian organizations and the USSR in the field of international terror. The study also exposes and analyzes the nature and content of Soviet–Palestinian arms dialogues and transactions. It provides clear evidence that Soviet policymakers and other luminaries were fully informed of, and sometimes directly involved in, these transactions and dialogues at the highest levels. 相似文献
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Paul Rich 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(1):39-56
The September 11 global crisis prompted by the attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon raises major questions concerning the nature and trajectory of terrorism in the post-Cold War global order. Hitherto, terrorism has been largely debated by analysts at the level of nation states. Terrorist and insurgent movements have also been largely anchored in nationalist and ethnic power bases even when they have sought to mobilise a transnational ideological appeal on religious or class grounds. There have been a few exceptions to this pattern such as the alliance between the German Baader-Meinhof group and the Japanese Red Army Faction, but even such international alliances as this did not, until at least the 1980s, presage anything like a global terrorist network necessitating a global strategic response. This study examines terrorism and global strategic responses. 相似文献
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Jelmer Brouwer 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(5):835-856
This article analyses to what extent the Burmese KNU insurgency made use of external support from states, refugees, and diasporas. Based on extensive fieldwork it is concluded that support from neighbouring states and refugees has for years kept the Karen rebellion alive. Western countries perceived forms of resistance to the illegitimate Burmese regime as just and have therefore played a crucial role in the continuation of conflict in Karen State. It is important that policymakers and donors as well as executing organizations continue to reflect critically on the way they exercise their work. 相似文献
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Aleksander Zdravkovski 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(5-6):941-963
ABSTRACTWhat was the scope of the Bosnian jihadi participation in the war in Syria? Did the Bosnian volunteers tend to join one particular faction? Why did the Bosnian youngsters decide to join the holy war in the Levant? Was this an organized and hierarchical process or was this a grassroots movement? Last, were all the Salafis in Bosnia supportive of this dynamic or did this process cause internal frictions? These are some of the questions that this research will try to answer. 相似文献
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Samantha Newbery 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2016,27(4):659-680
The UK’s interrogation operations during the conflict in Iraq (2003–2008) are often portrayed by the media as involving significant amounts of mistreatment. This article demonstrates that these practices are not necessarily representative of the UK’s interrogation operations across this conflict. In doing so it contributes to the limited literature on the practice of interrogation and on the UK’s combat operations in Iraq. The UK’s interrogation capability, and therefore its intelligence-gathering capability, is shown to have rested primarily with the military’s Joint Forward Interrogation Team (JFIT). The JFIT suffered from limitations to the number, training and experience of its interrogators and interpreters. It is argued that maintaining a permanent, higher level of preparedness for interrogation by the British armed forces is desirable. 相似文献
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Richard Reid 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2019,30(4-5):1040-1069
ABSTRACT While the study of organised violence is considered essential to understanding the history of the West, and accordingly imbued with various layers of meaning and remembrance, war is widely regarded as inimical to the modern nation in Africa and stable development more broadly. Using examples drawn from primarily from East Africa, this paper considers the ways in which warfare in the deeper (‘precolonial’) past has been framed and envisioned in recent decades, in particular by governments whose own roots lie in revolutionary armed struggle and who began life as guerrilla movements. While in some cases particular elements of the deeper past were indeed mobilised in pursuit of contemporary political goals, in many other scenarios histories of precolonial violence were beheld as problematic and unworthy of remembrance. This paper highlights the paradox and ambiguity which has attended the memory of key aspects of Africa’s deeper past. 相似文献