边境安全风险评估矩阵模型构建研究

提出边境安全风险和边境安全风险评估的概念。围绕边境安全风险状态和边境安全风险类型两个维度构建边境安全风险评估的矩阵模型。其中,边境安全风险状态维度包括边境安全风险源活跃度、边境安全风险源聚集度、边境安全风险供应链成熟度、边境安全风险源异常度;边境安全风险类型包括外生型边境安全风险、内生型边境安全风险、网络型边境安全风险、跨境型边境安全风险。并论述了边境安全风险评估矩阵模型的应用。     

谁有资格为美国当兵？

在今年3月,美国亚利桑那州的参议院再次对一项关于限制非法移民权利的法案进行了表决——之所以说“再”,是因为这种在议会上关于非法移民的争吵早已是屡见不鲜了。亚利桑那州位于美国西南部,和墨西哥接壤,有3000余千米的陆上边界线,两国民众的“私下”往来就像串门一样容易。非法移民,以及围绕非法移民的种种相关活动,都快成为美国社会、特别是像亚利桑那这些地方的一种常态了。     

9·11事件后美国移民政策的应对与调整

"9·11"事件爆发后,美国政府在移民政策和移民管理方面有针对性地采取了一系列应对和调整措施,主要包括紧缩移民政策,加强对留学、商务访问等非移民签证的控制;搁置大赦境内非法移民法案的审议;改革移民归化局,加强<技术警告名单>执行力度;强化入境检查,加强边境安全管理;快速更新"I-94登记系统",加快建立外国留学生资料信息网络系统;起草新的移民立法,赋予执法机关更大的行政权力等6个方面.这些应对和调整措施对当前的移民形势和美国移民法律的走向将产生一定影响.     

民兵遂行边境封控任务应注意把握的几个问题

边境封控,是在国内发生重大事件或境外周边国家发生重大事变时,为了防止人员内潜外逃或非法越境,确保边防巩固和边境安全,使用国家武装力量进行强制性的边境管控的军事行动。在边境封控中,民兵具有人熟、地熟、情况熟,与周边国家少数民族习俗相近、语言通的优势,可以发挥其独特的作用。下面就民兵遂行边境封控任务应把握的几个问题谈点看法:     

科学构建边防民兵模块布局

边防民兵应编组“应急”、“支援”、“保障”和“储备”四个模块,并形成科学合理的布局。“应急”模块突出编组在边境一线地区,任务是独立或配合边防部队进行防卫作战和处置突发事件。尤其要大力加强重点部位的民兵应急力量,确保遇有突发情况,能够按照要求的时空范围有效控制事态。“支援”模块重点编组在边境二线地区,任务是支援边防部队和一线民兵处突或作战。     

印巴军事分界线见闻——一道铁栅栏犹如城墙阻割断了两国交往

在印度与巴基斯坦接壤的查谟和克什米尔地区的军事分界线上,印度边防部队正沿着一条狭长的荆棘丛生杂草没人的地带,建立一个蛇形的带刺的铁丝网栅栏。它沿着弯弯曲曲山路绵延伸展。眺望边境的哨所,那里竖着高达7.6米的探照灯,宛如长着明亮眼睛的长颈鹿那样。整个晚上,灼热的白炽灯光照射着周围村庄的茅草屋棚,监视着附近的动静。 这个耗资昂贵、雄心勃勃的工程并非旨在抑制非法移民或者是阻止边境非法走私金器、酒类和干果。     

非法移民问题透视

对非法移民与难民的概念区分和法律地位进行了论证;并对中外非法移民的现状、屡禁不止的原因和犯罪特点进行了全方位、深层次的剖析和阐述;提出了综合治理和全面有效地打击和遏制非法移民犯罪活动的具体对策.     

中东反恐的不等式

“为什么是科巴尼？”土耳其总统埃尔多安对国际媒体“过分”关注一个边境小镇的战事发出质疑,反映中东反恐问题错综复杂,剪不断,理还乱。 小城科巴尼成世界焦点 4万人口的科巴尼确实成了当前世界新闻的一个焦点。美国空军领导的国际联军止在那里和伊斯兰国（IS）恐怖组织的地面武装交火。2个月来,不仅战况胶着,伊斯兰国（IS）恐怖组织武装还在步步进逼,已占领该地60％的地区,与当地守军反覆争夺土耳其边境的口岸。而双方投入的兵力总计不过6000人,只能说是一场中小型战争。     

新疆木垒县人武部 开展边防法规宣传

新疆木垒县人武部广泛开展“宣传边防政策、建设平安边境”活动,组织专武干部、民兵骨干深入边境乡（镇）、村庄和牧区,宣传边防政策法规100多场次,发放宣传画册1500本,增强了沿边群众的法制观念。     

内蒙古边境非法越界生产作业探析

20世纪80年代以来,随着我国边境地区逐步开放,居住、通行的限制逐步减少,各类生产作业活动日趋活跃,但同时非法越界生产作业活动也逐渐增多,成为近年来影响边境管理工作较突出的问题.内蒙古自治区的边境管理工作在全国具有一定的典型性和代表性,就该地区的非法越界生产作业活动进行深入分析与探讨,对处理边境地区社会稳定与经济发展的关系,具有重大的理论价值与现实意义.     

On the utility of security fences along international borders

States confronting cross-border intrusions of terrorism, illegal immigration, and/or drug trafficking weigh the costs of such intrusions against the costs of imposing barriers to prevent or curb the intrusions. In such situations, the degree of national security afforded a state depends, in large measure, upon the degree of border openness the state chooses. Depending upon the intensity and frequency of the intrusions – expressed in terms of opportunity-cost functions – a state might have little choice but to pursue a border policy of zero openness. It is this relationship of border openness to national security that explains why many states choose to construct security fences. In the 49 cases of security fences examined, many – among them Israel vis-à-vis the West Bank, India vis-à-vis Pakistan, Turkey vis-à-vis Greece in Cyprus – the construction of security fences becomes more complicated by their placement on lands whose sovereignties are disputed.     

New terrorist threat to India's internal security: the danger from Pakistan's “Karachi Project”

The spectacular commando-style terrorist strike on Mumbai in November 2008 exposed India's lax internal security structure. As nearly all the security apparatus broke down during the long spell of attacks, massive public outrage flared up across the country calling for a firmer government response. Shockingly, India has done little to prevent a recurrence and a new security threat faces the country every single day not merely before but even after the Mumbai attacks. In contrast, Pakistan's Inter Services Intelligence and the Lashkar-e-Taiba have successfully evaded pressures from both India and the international community and continue their terror campaign against India under the “Karachi Project” with the explicit intention to unsettle South Asia. Classified documents indicated that India is at the forefront of a cataclysmic “nuclear terrorism” threat from a “combination of Pakistan-based terrorists and homegrown radicals.” This article analyses the danger posed by the Indo-Pak radical groups targeting India and India's lack of preparedness to the new security threat from the “Karachi Project.”     

The rise and fall of counterproliferation policy

The US government initiated a Defense Counterproliferation Initiative to address the concern that, in the post-Cold War years, the proliferation of nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons would be widespread and create a significant challenge to the US military’s combat operations. In particular, non-nuclear states might use chemical or biological warfare agents against US forces with the belief that nuclear weapons would not be used against them in retaliation. Following the events of September 11, 2001, defense strategy and policy shifted to a wider view of the threat of adversarial use of “weapons of mass destruction” (WMD) and the term “counterproliferation” was replaced by “combating” or “countering WMD.” Over time, the Defense Department increasingly moved away from counterproliferation principles with the detrimental effect of losing capabilities that US forces still need for contemporary adversaries. This shift has been aggravated by other US government agencies’ use of “counterproliferation” in lieu of what would have been termed “nonproliferation” activities in the 1990s. The loss of clarity within the US government on these terms has led to the inability to focus the “whole of government” on this significant national security challenge. To alleviate this challenge, the US government needs a top-down initiative to refocus policy on the distinctly different aspects of WMD with respect to military combat operations, combating terrorism, and homeland security.     

广西边境地区非法跨国婚姻产生的原因及对策

随着中越关系的正常化和边境贸易的迅速发展，两国边民的交往更加密切。由于地缘条件、经济发展不平衡、民族传统习惯、人口性别比例等因素的影响，造成了广西边境地区非法跨国婚姻大量存在。不仅破坏了正常的出入境管理秩序，给边境地区的安全与稳定带来了隐患，而且也给公安边防部门的人口清查、遣返工作带来了很大压力。因此，在对非法跨国婚姻问题的治理上必须采取有效对策，使跨国婚姻朝着有序化、正规化方向发展，进而促进广西边境地区的和平与安全。     

影响内蒙古边境地区稳定发展的问题及其对策

改革开放以来 ,内蒙古边境地区社会稳定与经济发展都有了长足的进步。作为公安边防机关 ,要充分发挥其职能作用 ,继续加大工作力度 ,严厉打击各种非法活动。     

Life in the “Gray Zone”: observations for contemporary strategists

The term “Gray Zone” is gaining in popularity as a way of describing contemporary security challenges. This article describes the “short-of-war” strategies – the fait accompli, proxy warfare, and the exploitation of ambiguous deterrence situations, i.e. “salami tactics” – that are captured by the term and offers several explanations for why state and non-state actors are drawn to these strategies. The analysis highlights why defense postures based on deterrence are especially vulnerable to the short-of-war strategies that populate the “Gray Zone.” The article concludes by suggesting how defense officials might adapt defense policies to life in the “Gray Zone.”     

广州“三非”外国人问题研究

结合当代国际移民理论,分析广州“三非”外国人问题形成和发展的三个主要动因,对其可能的发展趋势作出预测,提出应对相关问题的对策。     

对加强公安边防群众工作的思考

加强公安边防群众工作对维护沿边沿海地区社会稳定,推进新时期公安边防工作具有重要意义。从主、客观两方面分析了当前公安边防群众工作中存在的问题,提出公安边防群众工作要坚持为现实斗争服务、为打造服务型机关服务的原则,消除四个误区,提高专业化、信息化和社会化水平,加强保障机制、考核评估机制、奖惩激励机制和监督制约机制建设,推动公安边防群众工作深入开展。     

Understanding contemporary conflicts in Africa: a state of affairs and current knowledge

Understanding contemporary conflicts in Africa remains directly dependent on the approaches employed to decipher or interpret them. This article first examines the bias of conventional approaches (inherited from the Cold War) and then those of a series of supposedly “newer” approaches. Relying primarily on West African examples, it offers a brief overview of current knowledge, issues, and avenues for research, based on three apparent characteristics of a “new generation” of conflicts: the regionalization of wars, the privatization of violence and security, and the recourse to extreme forms of brutality. These three major trends bear witness to a rapid transformation of war and armed violence over the past 20 years, but they are not sufficient to establish a radical historical break between “old” and “new” conflicts in Africa. By concealing elements of continuity a priori, the most influential “new” approaches actually make it impossible to ponder their own limits. To that end, fashionability and struggles for influence within the Africanist field play a major role in perpetuating dominant, sensationalistic, or simplistic (and invariably incorrect) portrayals of African conflicts.