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互联网进入2.0时代后,以社交媒体为主要信息传播平台的新媒体已逐步变为相对独立的社会力量,成为新的战略制高点。社交媒体平台以其传播信息的速度与广度,对庞大的用户人群产生巨大的影响。各国政府和军队意识到社交媒体的飞速发展不仅让其成为新型战略传播工具,更在网络信息战领域成为强大的"心理"干预武器。本文介绍了社交网络通过舆论引导、意识形态控制、僵尸网络病毒化传播等手段在政治、军事上施加新形态影响,分析了混合战争模式下社交媒体成为恐怖分子、民兵和私人武装集团等非政府实体攫取政治控制权的理想平台。因此,我们必须重视社交媒体潜在及现实的武器化影响,把控社会舆论方向,筑牢意识形态防线,以便应对未来网络信息战的挑战。 相似文献
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怡雨 《武警工程学院学报》2007,23(3):17-17
5月16日下午,科研部邀请原语文教研室杨军教授,在军人俱乐部举办《新闻情感信息传播与心理调控》学术报告会。杨军教授运用古今中外大量事实,从"新闻情感信息的内涵"、"新闻情感信息的传播给受众的影响"和"新闻情感信息传播的心理调控"三个方面,对新闻情感信息传播与心理调控进行了全面系统的阐述。在当今信息社会各类信息中, 相似文献
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2009年9月,北约正式颁布《北约战略传播政策》,并以此为起点积极构建其战略传播体系。通过考察战略传播基本理论、相关政策文件以及实战案例,对北约战略传播机制的基本内涵、相关背景、运行机制以及体系特点等方面进行系统的研究,有助于深刻理解北约战略传播政策。 相似文献
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文章首先介绍了美军战略传播提出的动机以及它的突出特点.相对于传统的信息传播,战略传播具有三个方面的鲜明特点,即强调受众的选择,强调多种传播机构的联合,强调对事件的全面、快速反应.其次,探讨了美军战略传播的有益启示,得到了对提高我军的快速反应能力和对受众的研究的可借鉴经验. 相似文献
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2011年2月8日,美军参谋长联席会议主席迈克尔·马伦签发了《国家军事战略》报告(以下简称《战略》)。《战略》正文共21页,包括"前言"、"战略环境"、"国家长远利益与军事目标"、"结论"四部分,其中关于军事目标的阐述和落实措施是核心。总的来看,《战略》旨在从武装力量角度落实2010年《国家安全战略》和《四年一度防务评审》提出的战略任务和军事目标,明确美国武装力量的使用策略和发展方向,反映出美军在新的战略环境下对推进战略目标的新思考。 相似文献
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军事软实力作为现代军队战斗力的重要组成部分,更多体现的是通过军队形象发挥柔性作用以达到"不战而屈人之兵"的能力。美军通过强化公共关系建设以提升军事软实力方面呈现出一些新特点:强化公共关系中隐喻情节的架构设计,提升对公众的情感引导力;强化高层处置公共关系的军事教育训练,提升军队形象的吸引力;强化公共关系中影视媒介的战略传播功能,拓展对全球军事文化影响的渠道和力度。 相似文献
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宋兆成 《军队政工理论研究》2012,13(1):22-23,26
音像出版要紧紧围绕传播力提升,在正确处理"弘扬主旋律与提倡多样化"、"创新管理体制与激发创作活力"、"党管人才与造就新型人才"三对关系的基础上,从内容形式、体制机制、人才建设等方面下功夫,着力增强音像文化的感染力、原动力和凝聚力,以全面提升军事音像文化传播力。 相似文献
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Lord Aikins Adusei 《African Security Review》2013,22(3):332-359
Energy continues to serve as the bedrock of modern economies and the main driver of modern society. For Africa, the production and supply of energy resources such as crude oil, natural gas, uranium, coal, biomass, biofuels and other renewables are an important source of employment, rents, taxes, royalties and profits. This sector brings in several tens of billions of dollars of revenue annually. The production and delivery of such resources, however, depend on critical infrastructures such as pipelines, refineries, processing plants, terminals, rigs, electrical energy pylons, substations, pump stations, vessels, and tankers. These infrastructures have been attacked by terrorists, insurgents, vandals and saboteurs, all of whom see them as targets against which to register their grievances and extract concessions from the state. This paper is a chronological account of some of the documented incidents of terrorism, insurgency, kidnapping, destruction, sabotage, and human casualties suffered in the oil and gas sectors in Africa between 1999 and 2012. It is based on data extracted from the databases of the RAND Database of World Terrorism Incidents and the University of Maryland's Global Terrorism Database (GTD). 相似文献
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In the Post-Bipolar Era the growing complexity of the military operations requires a new approach for the resolution of international crises. Since the end of the Cold War, peace support operations (PSO) have become the mainstay and principal occupation of most Western armies. At the same time, Italy has been one of the most important actors in such an area. The article focuses on the cooperation between military and civil components (a process called CIMIC) as a key variable in the Italian PSOs. We will analyse in detail the main lessons learned from past military interventions as well as the general context in which new tendencies are taking place. The maintaining of a minimum security frame becomes essential to fulfil activities ‘collateral’ to the mission: reconstructing services and infrastructure, food distribution, water and medication, law and order, de-mining, training of local forces, and supporting local institutions. These are the main tasks to obtain thrust and support from the population. 相似文献
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This article demonstrates the inconsistent and wavering Soviet attitude towards national liberation movements in general and the Palestinian organizations in particular. Until the late 1960s, the Soviets viewed these organizations with suspicion, hesitating to engage in political dialogue with them. However, in the 1970s, political and military events in the region, as well as modifications in the Kremlin's Cold War strategies, led to a general shift towards the Middle East in Soviet foreign policy. Soviet leaders showed increased willingness to provide certain Palestinian organizations with arms with which to conduct terrorist activities against Israeli, pro-Israeli, Jewish and Western targets. The article explores the complex relations between Palestinian organizations and the USSR in the field of international terror. The study also exposes and analyzes the nature and content of Soviet–Palestinian arms dialogues and transactions. It provides clear evidence that Soviet policymakers and other luminaries were fully informed of, and sometimes directly involved in, these transactions and dialogues at the highest levels. 相似文献
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Paul Rich 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(1):39-56
The September 11 global crisis prompted by the attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon raises major questions concerning the nature and trajectory of terrorism in the post-Cold War global order. Hitherto, terrorism has been largely debated by analysts at the level of nation states. Terrorist and insurgent movements have also been largely anchored in nationalist and ethnic power bases even when they have sought to mobilise a transnational ideological appeal on religious or class grounds. There have been a few exceptions to this pattern such as the alliance between the German Baader-Meinhof group and the Japanese Red Army Faction, but even such international alliances as this did not, until at least the 1980s, presage anything like a global terrorist network necessitating a global strategic response. This study examines terrorism and global strategic responses. 相似文献
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Jelmer Brouwer 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(5):835-856
This article analyses to what extent the Burmese KNU insurgency made use of external support from states, refugees, and diasporas. Based on extensive fieldwork it is concluded that support from neighbouring states and refugees has for years kept the Karen rebellion alive. Western countries perceived forms of resistance to the illegitimate Burmese regime as just and have therefore played a crucial role in the continuation of conflict in Karen State. It is important that policymakers and donors as well as executing organizations continue to reflect critically on the way they exercise their work. 相似文献
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Aleksander Zdravkovski 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(5-6):941-963
ABSTRACTWhat was the scope of the Bosnian jihadi participation in the war in Syria? Did the Bosnian volunteers tend to join one particular faction? Why did the Bosnian youngsters decide to join the holy war in the Levant? Was this an organized and hierarchical process or was this a grassroots movement? Last, were all the Salafis in Bosnia supportive of this dynamic or did this process cause internal frictions? These are some of the questions that this research will try to answer. 相似文献
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Christopher Davis 《Defence and Peace Economics》2013,24(3):145-177
The Soviet Union was able to develop a large military-industrial complex and become the world's second superpower despite deficiencies in its centrally planned economy because defence was given high priority status and special planning, rationing and administrative mechanisms were used to attain national security objectives. However, in the period 1976-85 the effectiveness of priority protection diminished and defence institutions experienced more of the problems typical of the shortage economic system. The heavy defence burden also created growing difficulties for the civilian economy. The attempts by the Gorbachev government to reform the defence sector and improve defence-economic relationships during perestroika (1985-91) uniformly failed. For most of the transition period, the Russian military-industrial complex has been adversely affected by its low priority status, cuts in defence spending, instability of the hybrid politico-economic system, and negative growth of the economy. The armed forces and defence industry have been reduced in size and their outputs of military services and equipment have fallen to low levels. Nevertheless, the Russian armed forces still have over one million troops, significant stocks of sophisticated conventional weapons, and a large nuclear arsenal. The government of President Putin has raised the priority of the defence sector, increased real defence spending, and adopted ambitious plans to revive Russian military power. It is likely, though, that tight resource constraints will hamper efforts to reform the armed forces and to upgrade weapons. By 2010 Russia will be an important, but not dominant, military power in Eurasia. 相似文献
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Bettina Renz 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(1):55-77
The collapse of the Soviet Union precipitated the massive expansion of drug use and trade in Russia. The country now has one of the largest populations of injecting drug users in the world and has become the largest single-country market for Afghan heroin. In 2003 the Federal Service for the Control of the Drugs Trade was created to coordinate a comprehensive counternarcotics strategy appropriate to the scale of this threat. The service continues to face a number of challenges in its early stages of development. However, it has made considerable advances in improving responses to large-scale organised crime and in building international cooperation. 相似文献