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美国国防部管理或委托管理的实验室散布在大学、联邦资助的研发中心和直属科研机构中,是美国国防科技创新体系的一支重要力量。文章从科研经费、人员规模、研究特色等方面对这些实验室进行分类介绍和分析,勾勒出其体系架构,以期对我们布局和建设以国防科技研发为核心任务的实验室、中心等科研机构提供参考。 相似文献
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1861~1865年,美国南北双方围绕分裂与反分裂,摒弃联邦与维护联邦,进行了长达四年的内战。内战考验了联邦的意义,确定了联邦的前途,最终以北方的胜利,联邦统一的恢复而告终。内战期间,美国南北双方为获得国际支持进行了激烈的外交战和政治法律斗争,特别是美国联邦政府为维护联邦的统一,进行了许多卓有成效的国际法实践,避免了英、法等欧洲列强对美国内战的直接干涉,这对于今天我对台实施军事斗争,完成国家统一大业,具有启示和借鉴意义。一 1861~1865年发生的美国内战实质上是一场维护联邦统一的政治斗争。美… 相似文献
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西德对高能激光的研究尚处在实验室阶段或部件研制阶段,但工业界和政府结合在一起并向公众透露出来,是件很不寻常的事。西德的这项研究有希望广泛应用于常规防御。一个时期以来,围绕着参加美国的战略防御倡议(SDI)计划众说纷纭。“高能激光”似乎就是指战略反导弹武器,这未免太局限了。MBB和Diehl两家公司依靠自己的资金和联邦国防部几百万马克的资助研究高能激光正是为了战术应用。本报告将叙述它们的研究工作和若干潜在的军事应用,并对照国际水平进评价,最后还要谈到将实验结果转化为军用硬件所必须采取的步骤。 相似文献
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一、引言 劳伦斯·利弗莫尔国家实验室(LLNL)和洛斯·阿拉莫斯国家实验室(LANL)是美国从事核武器研究发展工作的主要单位。它们从事的工作主要包括:核爆炸、核爆产物在高温和高压下的状态以及为弄清上述机理而需要的广泛物理学知识。与其它国家技术研究基地相比,它们的研究设施是美国最好的,而且是 相似文献
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美国能够保持军事技术的长期领先与其稳定的军事科研投入和科学的资助策略密不可分,但以往研究存在切入角度单一、关注领域有限、缺少长时间跨领域研究等不足。本文基于Web of Science数据库收录的2010年至2020年美国军方机构参与资助的科研项目文献数据,分析了美军长期关注的主要研究方向和重点研究领域以及美军主要资助机构及其各自的侧重领域。研究结果表明,美国军方以国防战略目标为根本,超前谋划军事科研资助,坚持基础研究和颠覆性技术研究的平衡,军方主要资助机构重视前沿科技领域,积极开展跨部门跨领域以及跨国合作。该研究对了解美国军事科研资助策略提供了新的视角,对促进我国军事科技发展有一定借鉴意义。 相似文献
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美军联合冲突战术仿真(JCATS)是由美国联合部队司令部发起、劳伦斯.利弗莫尔国家实验室开发的实体级、可扩展的交互式训练仿真系统和训练工具,旨在为作战部队参谋和参战人员提供命令级训练。JCATS提供了各种战术、技术和过程的演习的数字化接口,主要支持城市地形条件下、非致命性与常规武器的作战模拟,可与多种其他仿真系统形成联邦,配合作业。目前已在美陆、海、空军等不同部门得以应用。 相似文献
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在第二次世界大战之前,美国联邦政府的研究基金主要支持农业发展、国家防卫和自然资源开发等方面的研究,一般由联邦政府雇佣研究人员在小型的联邦实验室和实验站中进行。当时大学很少申请联邦政府的研究基金,工业界也只得到联邦政府很小比例的经费支持,工业的发展在一定程度上依赖来自大学的技术训练和大学教授提供的咨询。 相似文献
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美国国家研究委员会发布的《太空3D打印》报告由美空军与国家航空航天局(NASA)联合资助,主要评估了太空3D打印技术的发展现状、发展趋势、太空应用可行性、现有差距以及对未来航天发展的影响,以探索太空3D打印技术发展思路. 相似文献
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Lord Aikins Adusei 《African Security Review》2013,22(3):332-359
Energy continues to serve as the bedrock of modern economies and the main driver of modern society. For Africa, the production and supply of energy resources such as crude oil, natural gas, uranium, coal, biomass, biofuels and other renewables are an important source of employment, rents, taxes, royalties and profits. This sector brings in several tens of billions of dollars of revenue annually. The production and delivery of such resources, however, depend on critical infrastructures such as pipelines, refineries, processing plants, terminals, rigs, electrical energy pylons, substations, pump stations, vessels, and tankers. These infrastructures have been attacked by terrorists, insurgents, vandals and saboteurs, all of whom see them as targets against which to register their grievances and extract concessions from the state. This paper is a chronological account of some of the documented incidents of terrorism, insurgency, kidnapping, destruction, sabotage, and human casualties suffered in the oil and gas sectors in Africa between 1999 and 2012. It is based on data extracted from the databases of the RAND Database of World Terrorism Incidents and the University of Maryland's Global Terrorism Database (GTD). 相似文献
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In the Post-Bipolar Era the growing complexity of the military operations requires a new approach for the resolution of international crises. Since the end of the Cold War, peace support operations (PSO) have become the mainstay and principal occupation of most Western armies. At the same time, Italy has been one of the most important actors in such an area. The article focuses on the cooperation between military and civil components (a process called CIMIC) as a key variable in the Italian PSOs. We will analyse in detail the main lessons learned from past military interventions as well as the general context in which new tendencies are taking place. The maintaining of a minimum security frame becomes essential to fulfil activities ‘collateral’ to the mission: reconstructing services and infrastructure, food distribution, water and medication, law and order, de-mining, training of local forces, and supporting local institutions. These are the main tasks to obtain thrust and support from the population. 相似文献
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This article demonstrates the inconsistent and wavering Soviet attitude towards national liberation movements in general and the Palestinian organizations in particular. Until the late 1960s, the Soviets viewed these organizations with suspicion, hesitating to engage in political dialogue with them. However, in the 1970s, political and military events in the region, as well as modifications in the Kremlin's Cold War strategies, led to a general shift towards the Middle East in Soviet foreign policy. Soviet leaders showed increased willingness to provide certain Palestinian organizations with arms with which to conduct terrorist activities against Israeli, pro-Israeli, Jewish and Western targets. The article explores the complex relations between Palestinian organizations and the USSR in the field of international terror. The study also exposes and analyzes the nature and content of Soviet–Palestinian arms dialogues and transactions. It provides clear evidence that Soviet policymakers and other luminaries were fully informed of, and sometimes directly involved in, these transactions and dialogues at the highest levels. 相似文献
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Paul Rich 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(1):39-56
The September 11 global crisis prompted by the attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon raises major questions concerning the nature and trajectory of terrorism in the post-Cold War global order. Hitherto, terrorism has been largely debated by analysts at the level of nation states. Terrorist and insurgent movements have also been largely anchored in nationalist and ethnic power bases even when they have sought to mobilise a transnational ideological appeal on religious or class grounds. There have been a few exceptions to this pattern such as the alliance between the German Baader-Meinhof group and the Japanese Red Army Faction, but even such international alliances as this did not, until at least the 1980s, presage anything like a global terrorist network necessitating a global strategic response. This study examines terrorism and global strategic responses. 相似文献
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Jelmer Brouwer 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(5):835-856
This article analyses to what extent the Burmese KNU insurgency made use of external support from states, refugees, and diasporas. Based on extensive fieldwork it is concluded that support from neighbouring states and refugees has for years kept the Karen rebellion alive. Western countries perceived forms of resistance to the illegitimate Burmese regime as just and have therefore played a crucial role in the continuation of conflict in Karen State. It is important that policymakers and donors as well as executing organizations continue to reflect critically on the way they exercise their work. 相似文献
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Aleksander Zdravkovski 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(5-6):941-963
ABSTRACTWhat was the scope of the Bosnian jihadi participation in the war in Syria? Did the Bosnian volunteers tend to join one particular faction? Why did the Bosnian youngsters decide to join the holy war in the Levant? Was this an organized and hierarchical process or was this a grassroots movement? Last, were all the Salafis in Bosnia supportive of this dynamic or did this process cause internal frictions? These are some of the questions that this research will try to answer. 相似文献
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Samantha Newbery 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2016,27(4):659-680
The UK’s interrogation operations during the conflict in Iraq (2003–2008) are often portrayed by the media as involving significant amounts of mistreatment. This article demonstrates that these practices are not necessarily representative of the UK’s interrogation operations across this conflict. In doing so it contributes to the limited literature on the practice of interrogation and on the UK’s combat operations in Iraq. The UK’s interrogation capability, and therefore its intelligence-gathering capability, is shown to have rested primarily with the military’s Joint Forward Interrogation Team (JFIT). The JFIT suffered from limitations to the number, training and experience of its interrogators and interpreters. It is argued that maintaining a permanent, higher level of preparedness for interrogation by the British armed forces is desirable. 相似文献
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Richard Reid 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2019,30(4-5):1040-1069
ABSTRACT While the study of organised violence is considered essential to understanding the history of the West, and accordingly imbued with various layers of meaning and remembrance, war is widely regarded as inimical to the modern nation in Africa and stable development more broadly. Using examples drawn from primarily from East Africa, this paper considers the ways in which warfare in the deeper (‘precolonial’) past has been framed and envisioned in recent decades, in particular by governments whose own roots lie in revolutionary armed struggle and who began life as guerrilla movements. While in some cases particular elements of the deeper past were indeed mobilised in pursuit of contemporary political goals, in many other scenarios histories of precolonial violence were beheld as problematic and unworthy of remembrance. This paper highlights the paradox and ambiguity which has attended the memory of key aspects of Africa’s deeper past. 相似文献