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针对现有评估方法无法全面反映指挥控制网络节点重要度的问题,提出了一种综合考虑网络机密性、完整性和可用性的节点重要度评估方法.考虑设备处理能力、存储容量和信道带宽,构建了指挥控制网络的加权网络模型;给出了基于层次分析法的节点安全性重要度综合评估方法;综合考虑攻击者利用被攻陷节点对网络机密性、完整性和可用性的破坏,基于重要性等价于破坏性的思想,引入拓扑势理论,分别提出了节点机密性、完整性和可用性重要度评估方法.最后,通过实例分析证明了该方法的有效性. 相似文献
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针对现有基于角色访问控制的缺陷和分布式工作流管理系统的特性,在传统的基于角色的访问控制模型中引入任务集(Tasks)、任务实例集(TaskInstances)和任务上下文(TaskContext)的概念,将传统的user role permission权限赋予结构修改为user role task permission权限赋予结构,建立了基于任务和角色的访问控制模型,给出了其形式化定义。该模型解决了传统的基于角色访问控制中的动态适应性差和最小权限约束假象的问题,用于分布式工作流管理系统,提高了安全性、实用性。 相似文献
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针对分布式层次化网络安全应用,提出了一种分布式简化严格层次结构的PKI信任体系模型,为网络应用提供有效的认证、访问控制、授权、机密性、完整性、非否认服务。在该信任体系模型基础上,提出并建立了由CA签发的发章证书概念,来保证CA所辖域中印章文件的安全。系统通过CA签发的电子印章来对网络中电子公文和印章文件进行数字签名、验证,并由加密证书保护电子公文加密密钥,通过授权服务器管理用户打印印章权限。 相似文献
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一种含工作流Web信息系统的访问控制模型设计实现 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
包含工作流的Web信息系统是目前较为流行的一种系统应用模式。针对现有TRBAC模型在此类系统应用中存在的控制数据冗余、效率低下等不足改进提出了一种新的访问控制模型,该模型将RBAC与TRBAC进行结合,并按操作级别对角色与权限进行划分,通过引入流程历史信息等约束条件实现动态授权中操作权限与执行上下文的紧密关联,较好地实现了动、静态授权的分离,在保证系统安全的同时降低了访问控制策略的复杂度,为此类系统访问控制策略的制定提供了一个基本的参考性框架。最后以基于Web的办公自动化系统为例描述了模型在应用中的实现方案。 相似文献
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装备保障知识管理系统是实施装备保障知识管理的重要技术手段,结合业务流程研究其关键技术有着非常重要的意义。基于业务流程的知识组织思想,建立了装备保障业务模型框架,包括组织模型、过程模型、控制模型和信息模型。改进了基于角色的访问控制模型,使用户访问权限与本职工作关联;将拉取和推送两种模式相结合,实现了装备保障知识供应的快速性和智能性。 相似文献
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提出了一种安全私有云解决方案,是通过研究云计算安全体系模型,结合私有云架构特点设计的一种安全架构。与其他私有云解决方案相比,该架构安全系数较高,具有多层次、可扩展和强安全的特点。能够保证云用户安全快速登录云系统,使用透明加解密来保证用数据的可用性和安全性,实现了云数据的密文访问控制功能,增强了云存储数据的机密性,为私有云解决方案提供安全技术保障。 相似文献
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介绍了基于角色的访问控制技术(role-based aecess coiltrol RBAC)在权限管理中引入角色的概念,把资源的访问权限分配给角色,通过给用户分配角色以及角色之间的继承关系简化权限的管理。在分析现有的权限管理系统的基础上,提出了一种基于RBAC模型的权限管理系统的设计和实现方案,实现了安全的权限控制,取得了较好的效果。 相似文献
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Lord Aikins Adusei 《African Security Review》2013,22(3):332-359
Energy continues to serve as the bedrock of modern economies and the main driver of modern society. For Africa, the production and supply of energy resources such as crude oil, natural gas, uranium, coal, biomass, biofuels and other renewables are an important source of employment, rents, taxes, royalties and profits. This sector brings in several tens of billions of dollars of revenue annually. The production and delivery of such resources, however, depend on critical infrastructures such as pipelines, refineries, processing plants, terminals, rigs, electrical energy pylons, substations, pump stations, vessels, and tankers. These infrastructures have been attacked by terrorists, insurgents, vandals and saboteurs, all of whom see them as targets against which to register their grievances and extract concessions from the state. This paper is a chronological account of some of the documented incidents of terrorism, insurgency, kidnapping, destruction, sabotage, and human casualties suffered in the oil and gas sectors in Africa between 1999 and 2012. It is based on data extracted from the databases of the RAND Database of World Terrorism Incidents and the University of Maryland's Global Terrorism Database (GTD). 相似文献
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In the Post-Bipolar Era the growing complexity of the military operations requires a new approach for the resolution of international crises. Since the end of the Cold War, peace support operations (PSO) have become the mainstay and principal occupation of most Western armies. At the same time, Italy has been one of the most important actors in such an area. The article focuses on the cooperation between military and civil components (a process called CIMIC) as a key variable in the Italian PSOs. We will analyse in detail the main lessons learned from past military interventions as well as the general context in which new tendencies are taking place. The maintaining of a minimum security frame becomes essential to fulfil activities ‘collateral’ to the mission: reconstructing services and infrastructure, food distribution, water and medication, law and order, de-mining, training of local forces, and supporting local institutions. These are the main tasks to obtain thrust and support from the population. 相似文献
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This article demonstrates the inconsistent and wavering Soviet attitude towards national liberation movements in general and the Palestinian organizations in particular. Until the late 1960s, the Soviets viewed these organizations with suspicion, hesitating to engage in political dialogue with them. However, in the 1970s, political and military events in the region, as well as modifications in the Kremlin's Cold War strategies, led to a general shift towards the Middle East in Soviet foreign policy. Soviet leaders showed increased willingness to provide certain Palestinian organizations with arms with which to conduct terrorist activities against Israeli, pro-Israeli, Jewish and Western targets. The article explores the complex relations between Palestinian organizations and the USSR in the field of international terror. The study also exposes and analyzes the nature and content of Soviet–Palestinian arms dialogues and transactions. It provides clear evidence that Soviet policymakers and other luminaries were fully informed of, and sometimes directly involved in, these transactions and dialogues at the highest levels. 相似文献
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Paul Rich 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(1):39-56
The September 11 global crisis prompted by the attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon raises major questions concerning the nature and trajectory of terrorism in the post-Cold War global order. Hitherto, terrorism has been largely debated by analysts at the level of nation states. Terrorist and insurgent movements have also been largely anchored in nationalist and ethnic power bases even when they have sought to mobilise a transnational ideological appeal on religious or class grounds. There have been a few exceptions to this pattern such as the alliance between the German Baader-Meinhof group and the Japanese Red Army Faction, but even such international alliances as this did not, until at least the 1980s, presage anything like a global terrorist network necessitating a global strategic response. This study examines terrorism and global strategic responses. 相似文献
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Jelmer Brouwer 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(5):835-856
This article analyses to what extent the Burmese KNU insurgency made use of external support from states, refugees, and diasporas. Based on extensive fieldwork it is concluded that support from neighbouring states and refugees has for years kept the Karen rebellion alive. Western countries perceived forms of resistance to the illegitimate Burmese regime as just and have therefore played a crucial role in the continuation of conflict in Karen State. It is important that policymakers and donors as well as executing organizations continue to reflect critically on the way they exercise their work. 相似文献
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Aleksander Zdravkovski 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(5-6):941-963
ABSTRACTWhat was the scope of the Bosnian jihadi participation in the war in Syria? Did the Bosnian volunteers tend to join one particular faction? Why did the Bosnian youngsters decide to join the holy war in the Levant? Was this an organized and hierarchical process or was this a grassroots movement? Last, were all the Salafis in Bosnia supportive of this dynamic or did this process cause internal frictions? These are some of the questions that this research will try to answer. 相似文献
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Samantha Newbery 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2016,27(4):659-680
The UK’s interrogation operations during the conflict in Iraq (2003–2008) are often portrayed by the media as involving significant amounts of mistreatment. This article demonstrates that these practices are not necessarily representative of the UK’s interrogation operations across this conflict. In doing so it contributes to the limited literature on the practice of interrogation and on the UK’s combat operations in Iraq. The UK’s interrogation capability, and therefore its intelligence-gathering capability, is shown to have rested primarily with the military’s Joint Forward Interrogation Team (JFIT). The JFIT suffered from limitations to the number, training and experience of its interrogators and interpreters. It is argued that maintaining a permanent, higher level of preparedness for interrogation by the British armed forces is desirable. 相似文献
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Richard Reid 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2019,30(4-5):1040-1069
ABSTRACT While the study of organised violence is considered essential to understanding the history of the West, and accordingly imbued with various layers of meaning and remembrance, war is widely regarded as inimical to the modern nation in Africa and stable development more broadly. Using examples drawn from primarily from East Africa, this paper considers the ways in which warfare in the deeper (‘precolonial’) past has been framed and envisioned in recent decades, in particular by governments whose own roots lie in revolutionary armed struggle and who began life as guerrilla movements. While in some cases particular elements of the deeper past were indeed mobilised in pursuit of contemporary political goals, in many other scenarios histories of precolonial violence were beheld as problematic and unworthy of remembrance. This paper highlights the paradox and ambiguity which has attended the memory of key aspects of Africa’s deeper past. 相似文献