共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 281 毫秒
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根据轻武器及其标准化现状,提出了我国轻武器装备标准化发展思路,即摈弃传统的在单一武器基础上开展标准化研究的方式,而以武器装备系统为中心,以标准技术群为基础,建立标准化平台研究模式;并且提出:轻武器研究要强化“三化”设计思想,重视接口技术,这是提高我国轻武器装备整体水平和研究设计水平不可忽视的重要环节。 相似文献
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现代战争要求步兵分队在自己的作战距离内,对各种点面目标应具有很高的精确打击能力,因此要求轻武器装备必须具备先进的观察、测距、瞄准等功能,这就要求轻武器在结构、技术方面不断改进。其中最引人注目的是光电火控系统在轻武器装备上的应用。它标志着轻武器向现代高新技术领域迈出了至关重要的一步。 相似文献
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杨明 《武警工程学院学报》2007,23(5):57-58
轻武器装备是指单兵或班组携行的战斗武器装备。纵观近期几场信息化条件下局部战争,不难看出轻武器装备的地位及作用并未降低,相反,对其战斗性能提出了更高的需求。 相似文献
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21世纪初叶的战场将是陆、海、空、天、电磁“五维一体”的战场。轻武器是未来战场上步兵作战的主要武器之一,结合国际新形势下轻武器的发展趋势,未来战争的战术技术要求的改变、现代科学技术的发展以及新材料、新工艺的开发利用,对轻武器未来的发展将如何不断得到更新、发展和完善,以适应未来战争的需要进行探讨。 相似文献
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ERIC G BERMAN 《African Security Review》2013,22(1):5-14
On 7 July 1999, the government of Sierra Leone and the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) signed the Lomé Peace Agreement to end the civil war. A central component of this agreement called for the RUF to disarm. A year later, the RUF leader, Foday Sankoh, was in custody and the future of the peace accord in grave doubt. Far from disarming, all parties have been rearming at an alarming rate, in contravention of a 1997 UN arms embargo and despite a regional moratorium on the production, procurement and sale of small arms and light weapons. The political and security situation remains extremely fragile. This article explores the ease with which small arms and light weapons can be obtained, and questions the efficacy of existing armament and disarmament policies. Given the availability of arms, the weakness of the current government, the relative strength of the RUF, and the fluidity of alliances among the country's armed groups, the likelihood of continued conflict in Sierra Leone is great. 相似文献
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先进无人战斗机(UCAV)系统概念 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
先进无人战斗机系统是指正在发展和将要发展的无人战斗机系统。无人战斗机系统主要由携带武器的无人飞机、用于人工控制无人飞机的控制站和将系统连接起来保持与战术环境相联系的数据网络组成。在未来战争中,无人战斗机系统的主要作战使命是空防压制、纵深打击和"空中占领"。在研制过程中需要解决自主飞行、信息传输与处理等关键技术。 相似文献
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Michael Brzoska 《Defence and Peace Economics》2013,24(1):67-80
Available sources value transfers of weapons irrespective of whether they are paid for and how. Data from the U.S. indicates that the shares of arms given for free or on credit are high. If other arms exporters, all military aid and all credits used for military purposes are considered, which is done here on the basis of rough estimates and an opportunity cost model, the true cash costs of weapons in the year of the actual transfer are small. On the other hand, the financial burden of earlier arms imports via debt service has grown over time. It most probably exceeded the true cash cost of imports of arms in the late 1980s. Large differences between arms transfer data and the actual true costs of arms transfers means that analysis of the economic effects of arms imports without considering these financial aspects makes little sense. 相似文献
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JANE BOULDEN 《African Security Review》2013,22(1):15-22
In July 2001, member states will gather in New York for the UN Conference on the Illicit Trade in Arms in All its Aspects. It represents part of the effort to establish controls on small arms and light weapons. This article argues that it is possible that nuclear and conventional arms control represent two ends of a continuum, with common goals and a common set of mechanisms and processes at work. A decade after the end of the Cold War, it is not surprising that the international community is working on mechanisms to deal with conventional arms. The existence of a continuum and connections between conventional and nuclear arms control is less evident. The two arms control communities appear to function in isolation of each other. The return to the debate on small arms and light weapons echoes post-World War I and II periods. The fact that small arms control is back on the agenda within the context of the UN may signify recognition that any kind of arms control serves the same purpose—preventing and mitigating the effects and duration of, and bringing an end to conflict. 相似文献
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The economic value, social status and symbolic meaning of small arms are particular and temporal in nature. This is demonstra ted through a historical account of the dynamics of cultural change and adaptation in Nuer society. Specifically, the article shows how attitudes towards small arms shif ted over time from a positive valuation of guns as prestigious objects, to ambivalence between the need for protection and the experience of increased local lawlessness and violence. More generally, it demonstrates how weapon-rela ted activities can only be fully understood when seen against a specific cultural background. Even if the display, use and circulation of weapons appear to carry cross-cultural references, typically as expressions of power and masculine identity, the meaning is always primarily local. Therefore, strategies to reduce the destructive impact of small arms through demand side programs, based on voluntary participation, can only be carried out successfully if built on an in-depth understanding of a particular cultural context. 相似文献
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ANDRE STEMMET 《African Security Review》2013,22(3):90-98
One of the biggest challenges currently facing the developing world is the proliferation of small arms and light weapons. Arms control and disarmament have been part of the diplomatic agenda since the middle of the 19th century and were two of the most important issues facing the world's major powers during the 1960s and 1970s. When the Cold War ended, different instruments had been developed to negotiate the control over nuclear, chemical, biological and conventional weapons. However, the proliferation of small arms and light weapons poses new challenges to the international system. While control over legitimate use is laudable, the major problem relates to the illicit proliferation external to the state system. To address this challenge, international and national law faces the challenge of regime creation, and of the implementation and enforcement of international and national standards. Possible approaches to regime creation are discussed in this essay and recent examples are provided of how these were applied in practice to the issue of small arms and light weapons by the OAS, ECOWAS, SADC, the OAU and in East Africa. 相似文献
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ANTOINE ROZÈS 《African Security Review》2013,22(3):17-31
Children on the African continent have suffered immensely from the proliferation and misuse of small arms, including death, injury, displacement, separation from families, loss of access to health, humanitarian and educational services, and lack of economic opportunities. Further, over 300,000 children serve as child soldiers, relying on small arms as their tools of war. The international community has worked to establish protections for children for over 50 years, yet children continue to suffer. The recent UN Special Session on Children adopted ‘A world fit for children’, which, in combination with the Programme of Action agreed upon at the July 2001 UN Conference on Small Arms, begins to address a comprehensive approach to eliminating the negative impacts of small arms proliferation on children in conflict. 相似文献
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Tracing small arms and light weapons has been identified as an important component in reducing the illicit trafficking of weapons to regions of conflict as well as use in violent crime. At the national, regional and international levels policy makers and practitioners are working to make tracing more effective. This article outlines some of the key elements of an effective tracing regime and reviews where areas of agreement currently exist. It concludes with observations on some of the challenges facing countries as they try to implement these systems and respond to the problem of illicit arms trafficking. 相似文献
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Lani Miyoshi Sanders Sharon M. DeLand Arian L. Pregenzer 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(3):475-489
In his 2009 Prague speech and the 2010 Nuclear Posture Review, President Barack Obama committed the United States to take concrete steps toward nuclear disarmament while maintaining a safe, secure, and effective nuclear deterrent. There is an inherent tension between these two goals that is best addressed through improved integration of nuclear weapons objectives with nuclear arms control objectives. This article reviews historical examples of the interaction between the two sets of objectives, develops a framework for analyzing opportunities for future integration, and suggests specific ideas that could benefit the nuclear weapons enterprise as it undergoes transformation and that could make the future enterprise compatible with a variety of arms control futures. 相似文献
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The aim of this paper is to investigate the determinants of international arms transfers in a gravity model framework. By distinguishing between the decision to export arms (extensive margin) and the value of the arms exported (intensive margin), while also considering its interdependence, is what differentiates this paper from previous research. A theoretically justified gravity model of trade augmented with political and security motives is estimated using a two-stage panel data approach for 104 exporting countries over the period from 1950 to 2007. In addition to the usual gravity variables related to the economic mass of the trading countries and the trade cost factors, the model is extended with political and security factors. The level of democracy in both trading partners, political differences between trading partners and voting similarity with the United States in the UN General Assembly of the countries engaged in trade are the main political factors, whereas the existence of conflicts, military pacts, and embargoes are taken as security motives. The key result indicates that both political and security motives are an important determinant of an arms trade, but their effects on the extensive margin of exports (the decision to order a transfer) differs from their effect on the intensive margin (average value of exports). Moreover, the relative importance of the factors under study has changed since 1989. In the post-cold war period, countries that are less democratic are more likely to export arms, military pacts are less relevant and embargoes play a role. 相似文献