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针对空中骨干Mesh网络资源有限、计算能力相对不足的特点以及传统简单机会路由(Simple Opportunistic Adaptive Routing,SOAR)路由算法未充分考虑负载均衡与不同业务服务质量(Quality of Service,Qo S)保障需求差异性的问题,提出一种支持业务区分的改进型SOAR路由算法。该算法在考虑链路拥塞控制和负载均衡的基础上,定义综合预期传输次数来描述链路的综合状态,有效降低网络拥塞概率;同时根据传输业务类型的不同,设计一种基于层次分析法的路由选择策略,实现路径选择与业务类型的动态匹配。仿真结果表明,在重负载条件下,改进型SOAR路由算法相比传统SOAR路由算法其时延、吞吐量和吞吐率性能明显提升。当网络中存在不同类型业务时,改进型SOAR路由算法能够根据业务Qo S保障需求的差异性自适应选择最佳传输路径。 相似文献
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针对目前无线多媒体传感器网络QoS路由协议算法复杂、能耗较大等缺点,提出将蚁群优化算法用于改进无线多媒体传感器网络的路由选择.首先,抽象出多媒体传感器网络QoS 路由模型,进而,利用蚁群算法设计了一个运用带网络约束条件的权值去更新信息素浓度增量的路由算法--AntWMSN算法,AntWMSN算法利用正向蚂蚁F_(ant)收集链路带宽、时延、丢包率等参数,结合精华蚂蚁系统更新本地节点的网络状态模型以及每个访问过的节点上的信息素,从而找到满足多约束QoS条件下的最佳路由.仿真结果表明,该算法具有分布式全局优化网络路由选择的特性,比传统的QoS路由协议具有更好的收敛性,并且在满足网络对QoS参数需求的前提下,有效地提高了网络的生命周期. 相似文献
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战术MANET的QoS路由计算是一个NP完全问题,可以采用蚁群优化算法来求解.为了提高蚁群优化QoS路由算法的效率,降低时延和网络开销,提出了基于多态转移策略的蚁群优化QoS路由算法(MTS-AQRA).MTS-AQRA将链路稳定性和路由拥塞度与常规的QoS路由约束条件结合起来,利用多态转移策略产生的多样化路由搜索蚁群和并行路由搜索处理,能够在MANET网络中快速地建立满足业务QoS要求的稳定路由.仿真实验结果表明,MTS-AQRA在分组到达率、端到端时延、网络吞吐量等指标上综合性能优于AODV、AntHocNet、QoS-Aware ACO等路由算法. 相似文献
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无线 Mesh 网络在进行路由设计时应保持多判据路由、分级路由、多信道路由、跨层路由、QoS路由等路由协议的设计原则。 相似文献
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随着通信网络不断向各领域延伸,飞行自组网作为一种新型移动自组织网络,以飞行器作为空中无线通信节点建立网络,实现网络层高效通信.首先,通过考虑链路质量、流量负载和空间距离构建多路径路由模型,并设计抗干扰的多路径路由算法;其次,构建基于源节点路由回复包接收速率的解析模型;然后,对模型进行分析与评价;最后,通过仿真实验验证所... 相似文献
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基于Linux虚拟服务器的负载均衡技术探讨 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Internet业务量的激增和网络应用特殊化都使得负载均衡成为迫切需求。如何实现网络服务器负载均衡是一个急待解决的新课题。而LVS是一个具有良好的扩展性、高可靠性、高性能、高可用性的基于Linux系统的服务器集群,利用它可以较好解决这一问题。针对Linux虚拟服务器集群的负载均衡技术,探讨了其体系结构、工作方式、负载均衡算法,并以一简单的应用实例介绍了其具体实现。这样可以在很大程度上减轻网络的负载,提高网络的效率,是未来网络服务器技术的主要发展方向之一。 相似文献
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基于关键链路思想的最小干涉算法在优化网络资源利用率方面取得了显著成效。但有些情况下它对关键路径的判断并不准确,并且对负载平衡考虑得较少。为此提出了一种新的基于分级Δ-关键链路的启发式最小干涉算法,该算法能够更好地识别某些特殊链路的关键程度,并同时考虑了链路负载平衡的优化目标。模拟结果证明该算法在网络资源利用效率和链路负载分散方面效率得到了提高。 相似文献
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随着线路传输速率的快速提高,报文线速转发面临极大挑战。基于并行处理技术,提出分布式并行转发引擎结构,实现高速报文转发。针对并行转发引擎负载分配问题,设计AHDA(Adaptive Hashing DispatchAlgorithm)算法,该算法为综合考虑负载均衡和报文保序提供支持。模拟结果表明,AHDA算法均匀分配负载,保证很低的报文乱序率,对网络处理器规模具有良好的可扩展性。 相似文献
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Lord Aikins Adusei 《African Security Review》2013,22(3):332-359
Energy continues to serve as the bedrock of modern economies and the main driver of modern society. For Africa, the production and supply of energy resources such as crude oil, natural gas, uranium, coal, biomass, biofuels and other renewables are an important source of employment, rents, taxes, royalties and profits. This sector brings in several tens of billions of dollars of revenue annually. The production and delivery of such resources, however, depend on critical infrastructures such as pipelines, refineries, processing plants, terminals, rigs, electrical energy pylons, substations, pump stations, vessels, and tankers. These infrastructures have been attacked by terrorists, insurgents, vandals and saboteurs, all of whom see them as targets against which to register their grievances and extract concessions from the state. This paper is a chronological account of some of the documented incidents of terrorism, insurgency, kidnapping, destruction, sabotage, and human casualties suffered in the oil and gas sectors in Africa between 1999 and 2012. It is based on data extracted from the databases of the RAND Database of World Terrorism Incidents and the University of Maryland's Global Terrorism Database (GTD). 相似文献
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In the Post-Bipolar Era the growing complexity of the military operations requires a new approach for the resolution of international crises. Since the end of the Cold War, peace support operations (PSO) have become the mainstay and principal occupation of most Western armies. At the same time, Italy has been one of the most important actors in such an area. The article focuses on the cooperation between military and civil components (a process called CIMIC) as a key variable in the Italian PSOs. We will analyse in detail the main lessons learned from past military interventions as well as the general context in which new tendencies are taking place. The maintaining of a minimum security frame becomes essential to fulfil activities ‘collateral’ to the mission: reconstructing services and infrastructure, food distribution, water and medication, law and order, de-mining, training of local forces, and supporting local institutions. These are the main tasks to obtain thrust and support from the population. 相似文献
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This article demonstrates the inconsistent and wavering Soviet attitude towards national liberation movements in general and the Palestinian organizations in particular. Until the late 1960s, the Soviets viewed these organizations with suspicion, hesitating to engage in political dialogue with them. However, in the 1970s, political and military events in the region, as well as modifications in the Kremlin's Cold War strategies, led to a general shift towards the Middle East in Soviet foreign policy. Soviet leaders showed increased willingness to provide certain Palestinian organizations with arms with which to conduct terrorist activities against Israeli, pro-Israeli, Jewish and Western targets. The article explores the complex relations between Palestinian organizations and the USSR in the field of international terror. The study also exposes and analyzes the nature and content of Soviet–Palestinian arms dialogues and transactions. It provides clear evidence that Soviet policymakers and other luminaries were fully informed of, and sometimes directly involved in, these transactions and dialogues at the highest levels. 相似文献
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Paul Rich 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(1):39-56
The September 11 global crisis prompted by the attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon raises major questions concerning the nature and trajectory of terrorism in the post-Cold War global order. Hitherto, terrorism has been largely debated by analysts at the level of nation states. Terrorist and insurgent movements have also been largely anchored in nationalist and ethnic power bases even when they have sought to mobilise a transnational ideological appeal on religious or class grounds. There have been a few exceptions to this pattern such as the alliance between the German Baader-Meinhof group and the Japanese Red Army Faction, but even such international alliances as this did not, until at least the 1980s, presage anything like a global terrorist network necessitating a global strategic response. This study examines terrorism and global strategic responses. 相似文献
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Jelmer Brouwer 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(5):835-856
This article analyses to what extent the Burmese KNU insurgency made use of external support from states, refugees, and diasporas. Based on extensive fieldwork it is concluded that support from neighbouring states and refugees has for years kept the Karen rebellion alive. Western countries perceived forms of resistance to the illegitimate Burmese regime as just and have therefore played a crucial role in the continuation of conflict in Karen State. It is important that policymakers and donors as well as executing organizations continue to reflect critically on the way they exercise their work. 相似文献
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Aleksander Zdravkovski 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(5-6):941-963
ABSTRACTWhat was the scope of the Bosnian jihadi participation in the war in Syria? Did the Bosnian volunteers tend to join one particular faction? Why did the Bosnian youngsters decide to join the holy war in the Levant? Was this an organized and hierarchical process or was this a grassroots movement? Last, were all the Salafis in Bosnia supportive of this dynamic or did this process cause internal frictions? These are some of the questions that this research will try to answer. 相似文献
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Samantha Newbery 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2016,27(4):659-680
The UK’s interrogation operations during the conflict in Iraq (2003–2008) are often portrayed by the media as involving significant amounts of mistreatment. This article demonstrates that these practices are not necessarily representative of the UK’s interrogation operations across this conflict. In doing so it contributes to the limited literature on the practice of interrogation and on the UK’s combat operations in Iraq. The UK’s interrogation capability, and therefore its intelligence-gathering capability, is shown to have rested primarily with the military’s Joint Forward Interrogation Team (JFIT). The JFIT suffered from limitations to the number, training and experience of its interrogators and interpreters. It is argued that maintaining a permanent, higher level of preparedness for interrogation by the British armed forces is desirable. 相似文献
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Richard Reid 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2019,30(4-5):1040-1069
ABSTRACT While the study of organised violence is considered essential to understanding the history of the West, and accordingly imbued with various layers of meaning and remembrance, war is widely regarded as inimical to the modern nation in Africa and stable development more broadly. Using examples drawn from primarily from East Africa, this paper considers the ways in which warfare in the deeper (‘precolonial’) past has been framed and envisioned in recent decades, in particular by governments whose own roots lie in revolutionary armed struggle and who began life as guerrilla movements. While in some cases particular elements of the deeper past were indeed mobilised in pursuit of contemporary political goals, in many other scenarios histories of precolonial violence were beheld as problematic and unworthy of remembrance. This paper highlights the paradox and ambiguity which has attended the memory of key aspects of Africa’s deeper past. 相似文献