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1.
在对弹药生产响应能力与生产速度关系分析的基础上,提出了基于任务冲击下,弹药生产响应能力的计算方法。对不同任务冲击度及生产速度约束条件下,弹药生产响应能力系数进行了对比,为任务冲击情况下弹药生产响应能力需求的确定提供参考。  相似文献   

2.
针对未来战场对弹药需求动态、突发、受任务冲击影响等特点,提出弹药生产响应能力概念,建立了任务冲击条件下弹药生产响应能力影响因素的指标体系。运用网络分析法,建立典型结构的弹药生产响应能力影响因素的网络模型,得出弹药生产响应能力的关键影响因素,为弹药生产响应能力分析与提高提供了科学研究方法。  相似文献   

3.
针对非致命弹药安全管理评估方面的空白,采用模糊层次分析法(FAHP),从宏观上对非致命弹药安全管理系统进行评价。通过分析影响非致命弹药安全管理水平的因素,建立系统综合评价指标。分别建立不同指标间的模糊一致判断矩阵,确定隶属函数、权重值,最后得出定量评判结果,确定非致命弹药安全管理系统等级,对非致命弹药安全管理提供理论依据。  相似文献   

4.
武器系统综合能力的评价属于一类多目标决策问题,特别是有多人组成的决策者群参与时,问题就成为多目标群决策问题,此时,不仅要计算综合指标权重,还要确定决策者的权重.指标权重的计算方法较多,而决策者的权重往往是根据其知名度、职位、能力水平及对问题的熟悉程度来确定的,具有一定的主观性.通过分析判断矩阵群的一致性和相似性,来获取决策者的权重,并将之应用于对指标权重的综合,该方法在某武器系统综合能力的评价中的应用表明,其科学有效.  相似文献   

5.
弹药信息化是武器装备信息化的重要组成部分,直接影响战斗力的生成。如何分析、评估保障单位在信息系统体系作战弹药信息化保障能力的建设水平,对我军信息化建设至关重要。在分析影响弹药信息化保障能力形成的主要因素的基础上,构建了符合我军弹药信息化保障能力特点的评估指标体系,提出了一种基于主成分和集对分析法综合分析的基于信息系统体系作战弹药信息化保障能力评估方法,通过该方法可求得指标权重,最终获得被评估单位弹药信息化保障能力的整体建设水平。结合实例分析,验证构建的评估模型能够用于我军基于信息系统体系作战弹药信息化保障能力的评估,进一步为如何提高弹药信息化保障能力提供技术指导。  相似文献   

6.
准确、科学地评估空地弹药的作战效能,对武器装备的设计、研制、试验、采购、作战使用及维护具有重要的意义。充分利用云模型可将定性指标的模糊性和随机性有效结合的特点,构建了空地弹药作战效能的综合云评估模型。针对现有确定指标权重的方法存在主观性较强的不足,提出一种基于模糊层次分析法(FAHP)熵权的权重确定方法,有效利用了主观信息和客观信息。实例分析表明该模型可准确、客观、有效地评估空地弹药的作战效能。  相似文献   

7.
基于熵权的高炮武器系统综合能力评价   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
当把武器系统的综合能力分解为若干层次结构进行评价时,其关键在于确定底层评价指标的相对权重,虽然能够通过建立各层次指标间的相对重要性的判断矩阵,获得底层指标权重的单排序结果权重信息,但是这种权重信息具有一定的主观性,基于信息熵的熵权能够强化各武器系统对指标的贡献程度,弱化其相似性,具有相对的客观性,综合考虑客观熵权和专家主观权重的评价方法,能够通过客观的熵权信息来调整主观权重的偏差,使得武器系统的评价结果更为合理.对六套典型高炮武器系统综合能力的评价结果表明,该方法是有效的.  相似文献   

8.
针对多种弹药打击同一目标的弹种选取顺序问题,即弹药目标匹配顺序问题,从弹药毁伤和目标抗毁伤机理人手,构建弹药目标匹配指标体系,利用粗糙集理论约简弹药目标匹配指标体系并确定指标的客观权重,运用加权TOPSIS确定弹药目标综合匹配顺序,为最优火力分配决策提供了理论依据。  相似文献   

9.
多层次灰色评价法在后勤综合保障能力评估中的应用   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
对部队进行后勤综合保障能力评估是一项困难但十分重要的工作,利用多层次灰色评价法对后勤综合保障能力进行评估是一种比较科学的方法。评估时,先建立后勤保障能力评价指标体系,并用层次分析法确定各指标的权重。然后在样本矩阵的基础上确定评价灰类并计算灰色评价系数、权向量和权矩阵,从而对指标做出综合评价得到最终评价结果。最后,通过对该评价方法稍加改进,可以取得更加实用的评价结果。  相似文献   

10.
确立包括科学的指标权重在内的评价指标体系,建立军队领导干部经济责任审计综合评价模型,是提高评价结果信度和效度的关键。文章应用层次分析法(AHP)为准确确定军队领导干部经济责任审计评价指标间权重提供了可行的途径。  相似文献   

11.
In the Post-Bipolar Era the growing complexity of the military operations requires a new approach for the resolution of international crises. Since the end of the Cold War, peace support operations (PSO) have become the mainstay and principal occupation of most Western armies. At the same time, Italy has been one of the most important actors in such an area. The article focuses on the cooperation between military and civil components (a process called CIMIC) as a key variable in the Italian PSOs. We will analyse in detail the main lessons learned from past military interventions as well as the general context in which new tendencies are taking place. The maintaining of a minimum security frame becomes essential to fulfil activities ‘collateral’ to the mission: reconstructing services and infrastructure, food distribution, water and medication, law and order, de-mining, training of local forces, and supporting local institutions. These are the main tasks to obtain thrust and support from the population.  相似文献   

12.
Energy continues to serve as the bedrock of modern economies and the main driver of modern society. For Africa, the production and supply of energy resources such as crude oil, natural gas, uranium, coal, biomass, biofuels and other renewables are an important source of employment, rents, taxes, royalties and profits. This sector brings in several tens of billions of dollars of revenue annually. The production and delivery of such resources, however, depend on critical infrastructures such as pipelines, refineries, processing plants, terminals, rigs, electrical energy pylons, substations, pump stations, vessels, and tankers. These infrastructures have been attacked by terrorists, insurgents, vandals and saboteurs, all of whom see them as targets against which to register their grievances and extract concessions from the state. This paper is a chronological account of some of the documented incidents of terrorism, insurgency, kidnapping, destruction, sabotage, and human casualties suffered in the oil and gas sectors in Africa between 1999 and 2012. It is based on data extracted from the databases of the RAND Database of World Terrorism Incidents and the University of Maryland's Global Terrorism Database (GTD).  相似文献   

13.
This article demonstrates the inconsistent and wavering Soviet attitude towards national liberation movements in general and the Palestinian organizations in particular. Until the late 1960s, the Soviets viewed these organizations with suspicion, hesitating to engage in political dialogue with them. However, in the 1970s, political and military events in the region, as well as modifications in the Kremlin's Cold War strategies, led to a general shift towards the Middle East in Soviet foreign policy. Soviet leaders showed increased willingness to provide certain Palestinian organizations with arms with which to conduct terrorist activities against Israeli, pro-Israeli, Jewish and Western targets. The article explores the complex relations between Palestinian organizations and the USSR in the field of international terror. The study also exposes and analyzes the nature and content of Soviet–Palestinian arms dialogues and transactions. It provides clear evidence that Soviet policymakers and other luminaries were fully informed of, and sometimes directly involved in, these transactions and dialogues at the highest levels.  相似文献   

14.
The September 11 global crisis prompted by the attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon raises major questions concerning the nature and trajectory of terrorism in the post-Cold War global order. Hitherto, terrorism has been largely debated by analysts at the level of nation states. Terrorist and insurgent movements have also been largely anchored in nationalist and ethnic power bases even when they have sought to mobilise a transnational ideological appeal on religious or class grounds. There have been a few exceptions to this pattern such as the alliance between the German Baader-Meinhof group and the Japanese Red Army Faction, but even such international alliances as this did not, until at least the 1980s, presage anything like a global terrorist network necessitating a global strategic response. This study examines terrorism and global strategic responses.  相似文献   

15.
This article analyses to what extent the Burmese KNU insurgency made use of external support from states, refugees, and diasporas. Based on extensive fieldwork it is concluded that support from neighbouring states and refugees has for years kept the Karen rebellion alive. Western countries perceived forms of resistance to the illegitimate Burmese regime as just and have therefore played a crucial role in the continuation of conflict in Karen State. It is important that policymakers and donors as well as executing organizations continue to reflect critically on the way they exercise their work.  相似文献   

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17.
Reviews     
Douglas S. Derrer, We Are All the Target: A Handbook of Terrorism Avoidance and Hostage Survival. Annapolis, MD: US Naval Institute Press, 1992. Pp. x+135, notes, index. $14.95. ISBN 01–55750–150–5

Ian Knight, Zulu: Isandlwana and Rorke's Drift, 22–23 January 1879. London: Windrow & Greene, 1992. Pp.136, 150 illus., incl 8 colour plates, maps, biblio. £35. ISBN 1–872004–23–7

Ian Knight, By the Orders of the Great White Queen: Campaigning in Zululand through the Eyes of the British Soldiers, 1879. London: Greenhill Books and Novato: Presidio Press, 1992. Pp. 272, 17 illus., 1 map. £18.95. ISBN 1–85367–122–3

Manfried Rauchensteiner and Erwin A. Schmidl (eds.), Formen des Krieges: vom Mittelalter zum ‘Low‐intensity’ Conflict’. Graz : Verlag Styria, 1991. Pp.208. DM35. ISBN 3–22–12139–7

Harold J. Kearsley, Maritime Power and the Twenty‐First Century. Dartmouth: Dartmouth Publishing Company, Limited, 1992. Pp.xv + 203, 13 diagrams, index. £32.50. ISBN 1–85521–288–9  相似文献   

18.
装备的RMS是装备的重要设计参数,是影响战备完好和保障能力的关键因素.引入GTST-DMLD作为主要建模工具,建立起装备系统的RMS描述模型,以ESD为补充和扩展,对维修过程进行建模.并以GTST-DMLD-ESD模型作为装备RMS仿真的核心,对装备RMS仿真模型的总体框架进行了研究,并对各模块进行了较为详细的探讨.  相似文献   

19.
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ABSTRACT

What was the scope of the Bosnian jihadi participation in the war in Syria? Did the Bosnian volunteers tend to join one particular faction? Why did the Bosnian youngsters decide to join the holy war in the Levant? Was this an organized and hierarchical process or was this a grassroots movement? Last, were all the Salafis in Bosnia supportive of this dynamic or did this process cause internal frictions? These are some of the questions that this research will try to answer.  相似文献   

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