共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 31 毫秒
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为了同时达到高性能和灵活性的目标,提出了一种基于FPGA的参数化多标准自适应基4 Viterbi译码器。译码器采用3-9可变约束长度,1/2、1/3可变码率,支持任意截断长度的纠错译码,并采用了码字无符号量化、加比选单元设计优化和归一化判断逻辑分离策略优化了关键路径设计,提高了译码器工作频率。实验结果表明,该译码器能根据用户设定的参数改变结构,在多种通信标准之间实现动态切换;性能达到了541Mbps,明显优于相关工作;对GPRS、WiMAX、LTE、CDMA、3G等通信标准都取得了良好的误码性能,可满足多种通信标准的译码需求。 相似文献
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基于FPGA可重复配置原理,提出了一种硬件复用的RS码编码译码体系结构,用以解决传统RS码编译码器实现方式硬件资源消耗量大的问题.该编译码器中的可重构计算模块可根据配置信息改变逻辑电路结构,满足编码和译码过程中不同算法的计算需要.最后,采用VHDL实现了以上编译码器,并在Quartus II中进行了综合验证.结果表明:该编译码器能满足多种纠错能力的RS码编译码,通过硬件复用技术可提高硬件资源利用效率. 相似文献
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提出了一种基于图形处理单元(graphic processing unit,GPU)的5G软件无线电准循环低密度奇偶校验(low density parity check, LDPC)码译码器,为了节省片上和片下带宽,采用码字缩短和打孔技术、两级量化和数据打包方案,以提升数据带宽的利用率。实验基于Nvidia RTX 2080Ti GPU平台实现了高码率情况下的最小和近似译码算法的并行译码,通过分析GPU上的最优线程设置,将码率为5/6的(2 080,1 760) LDPC算法的译码吞吐率提升至1.38 Gbit/s,译码吞吐率性能优于现有其他基于GPU的LDPC译码器。 相似文献
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为满足采用不同调制方式和空时编码类型的MIMO(Multiple Input Multiple Output)通信的性能分析需求,在深入研究MIMO通信机理和空时编译码机理基础上,基于MATLAB/GUI软件环境进行MIMO通信仿真软件设计,实现了对不同参数条件下MIMO通信系统性能分析的可视化、可交互性。仿真结果表明DBLAST(Diagonal Bell-Labs Layered Space-Time)在4FSK(Frequency Shift Keying)和QPSK(Quadrature Phase Shift Keying)调制方式下性能较优,利用设计的仿真软件可对MIMO通信的参数优化配置提供指导。 相似文献
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GPS现代化中的L1C信号使用了LDPC码,以提高接收机的弱信号接收能力。L1C信号中使用的LDPC码没有循环或准循环结构,这为译码器设计带来了难度。为了降低译码器实现复杂度,在分析L1C信号LDPC码校验矩阵结构的基础上,通过对校验节点分类和改变变量节点更新方法,提出了一种低存储量和简化译码器控制逻辑的低复杂度译码器结构,并通过仿真验证了译码器译码结果的正确性。 相似文献
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并行级联卷积码是近几年发展起来的一种性能接近信容量极限的信道编码技术,而影响它的实际应用的一个主要因素是它的译码复杂度很大。在本文中我们针对结合跳频抗干扰系统的turbo编码,用DSP实现阿上应的译码。文中给出了DSP实现的译码器结构,并分析了编译码的若干参数对系统性能的影响。 相似文献
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模型深度的不断增加和处理序列长度的不一致对循环神经网络在不同处理器上的性能优化提出巨大挑战。针对自主研制的长向量处理器FT-M7032,实现了一个高效的循环神经网络加速引擎。该引擎采用行优先矩阵向量乘算法和数据感知的多核并行方式,提高矩阵向量乘的计算效率;采用两级内核融合优化方法降低临时数据传输的开销;采用手写汇编优化多种算子,进一步挖掘长向量处理器的性能潜力。实验表明,长向量处理器循环神经网络推理引擎可获得较高性能,相较于多核ARM CPU以及Intel Golden CPU,类循环神经网络模型长短记忆网络可获得最高62.68倍和3.12倍的性能加速。 相似文献
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Lord Aikins Adusei 《African Security Review》2013,22(3):332-359
Energy continues to serve as the bedrock of modern economies and the main driver of modern society. For Africa, the production and supply of energy resources such as crude oil, natural gas, uranium, coal, biomass, biofuels and other renewables are an important source of employment, rents, taxes, royalties and profits. This sector brings in several tens of billions of dollars of revenue annually. The production and delivery of such resources, however, depend on critical infrastructures such as pipelines, refineries, processing plants, terminals, rigs, electrical energy pylons, substations, pump stations, vessels, and tankers. These infrastructures have been attacked by terrorists, insurgents, vandals and saboteurs, all of whom see them as targets against which to register their grievances and extract concessions from the state. This paper is a chronological account of some of the documented incidents of terrorism, insurgency, kidnapping, destruction, sabotage, and human casualties suffered in the oil and gas sectors in Africa between 1999 and 2012. It is based on data extracted from the databases of the RAND Database of World Terrorism Incidents and the University of Maryland's Global Terrorism Database (GTD). 相似文献
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In the Post-Bipolar Era the growing complexity of the military operations requires a new approach for the resolution of international crises. Since the end of the Cold War, peace support operations (PSO) have become the mainstay and principal occupation of most Western armies. At the same time, Italy has been one of the most important actors in such an area. The article focuses on the cooperation between military and civil components (a process called CIMIC) as a key variable in the Italian PSOs. We will analyse in detail the main lessons learned from past military interventions as well as the general context in which new tendencies are taking place. The maintaining of a minimum security frame becomes essential to fulfil activities ‘collateral’ to the mission: reconstructing services and infrastructure, food distribution, water and medication, law and order, de-mining, training of local forces, and supporting local institutions. These are the main tasks to obtain thrust and support from the population. 相似文献
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This article demonstrates the inconsistent and wavering Soviet attitude towards national liberation movements in general and the Palestinian organizations in particular. Until the late 1960s, the Soviets viewed these organizations with suspicion, hesitating to engage in political dialogue with them. However, in the 1970s, political and military events in the region, as well as modifications in the Kremlin's Cold War strategies, led to a general shift towards the Middle East in Soviet foreign policy. Soviet leaders showed increased willingness to provide certain Palestinian organizations with arms with which to conduct terrorist activities against Israeli, pro-Israeli, Jewish and Western targets. The article explores the complex relations between Palestinian organizations and the USSR in the field of international terror. The study also exposes and analyzes the nature and content of Soviet–Palestinian arms dialogues and transactions. It provides clear evidence that Soviet policymakers and other luminaries were fully informed of, and sometimes directly involved in, these transactions and dialogues at the highest levels. 相似文献
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Paul Rich 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(1):39-56
The September 11 global crisis prompted by the attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon raises major questions concerning the nature and trajectory of terrorism in the post-Cold War global order. Hitherto, terrorism has been largely debated by analysts at the level of nation states. Terrorist and insurgent movements have also been largely anchored in nationalist and ethnic power bases even when they have sought to mobilise a transnational ideological appeal on religious or class grounds. There have been a few exceptions to this pattern such as the alliance between the German Baader-Meinhof group and the Japanese Red Army Faction, but even such international alliances as this did not, until at least the 1980s, presage anything like a global terrorist network necessitating a global strategic response. This study examines terrorism and global strategic responses. 相似文献
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Jelmer Brouwer 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(5):835-856
This article analyses to what extent the Burmese KNU insurgency made use of external support from states, refugees, and diasporas. Based on extensive fieldwork it is concluded that support from neighbouring states and refugees has for years kept the Karen rebellion alive. Western countries perceived forms of resistance to the illegitimate Burmese regime as just and have therefore played a crucial role in the continuation of conflict in Karen State. It is important that policymakers and donors as well as executing organizations continue to reflect critically on the way they exercise their work. 相似文献
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Aleksander Zdravkovski 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(5-6):941-963
ABSTRACTWhat was the scope of the Bosnian jihadi participation in the war in Syria? Did the Bosnian volunteers tend to join one particular faction? Why did the Bosnian youngsters decide to join the holy war in the Levant? Was this an organized and hierarchical process or was this a grassroots movement? Last, were all the Salafis in Bosnia supportive of this dynamic or did this process cause internal frictions? These are some of the questions that this research will try to answer. 相似文献
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Christopher Davis 《Defence and Peace Economics》2013,24(3):145-177
The Soviet Union was able to develop a large military-industrial complex and become the world's second superpower despite deficiencies in its centrally planned economy because defence was given high priority status and special planning, rationing and administrative mechanisms were used to attain national security objectives. However, in the period 1976-85 the effectiveness of priority protection diminished and defence institutions experienced more of the problems typical of the shortage economic system. The heavy defence burden also created growing difficulties for the civilian economy. The attempts by the Gorbachev government to reform the defence sector and improve defence-economic relationships during perestroika (1985-91) uniformly failed. For most of the transition period, the Russian military-industrial complex has been adversely affected by its low priority status, cuts in defence spending, instability of the hybrid politico-economic system, and negative growth of the economy. The armed forces and defence industry have been reduced in size and their outputs of military services and equipment have fallen to low levels. Nevertheless, the Russian armed forces still have over one million troops, significant stocks of sophisticated conventional weapons, and a large nuclear arsenal. The government of President Putin has raised the priority of the defence sector, increased real defence spending, and adopted ambitious plans to revive Russian military power. It is likely, though, that tight resource constraints will hamper efforts to reform the armed forces and to upgrade weapons. By 2010 Russia will be an important, but not dominant, military power in Eurasia. 相似文献
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Bettina Renz 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(1):55-77
The collapse of the Soviet Union precipitated the massive expansion of drug use and trade in Russia. The country now has one of the largest populations of injecting drug users in the world and has become the largest single-country market for Afghan heroin. In 2003 the Federal Service for the Control of the Drugs Trade was created to coordinate a comprehensive counternarcotics strategy appropriate to the scale of this threat. The service continues to face a number of challenges in its early stages of development. However, it has made considerable advances in improving responses to large-scale organised crime and in building international cooperation. 相似文献