共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 31 毫秒
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存在窄带干扰情况下,接收机在进行干扰抑制后,其输出信号的相关峰会发生分裂,使用传统的基于信号传输时延的抗转发欺骗干扰方法,会使得捕获锁定的相关值在真实信号的旁瓣。针对该问题提出了一种基于局部相关值最大的信号时延检测方法,在真实信号相关峰分裂产生的旁瓣与欺骗信号不重合前提下,通过对两个码片范围内最大值的搜索,保证捕获不会锁定在旁瓣,再通过选择局部最大值中最早码相位点来避免锁定到转发欺骗干扰。与传统的方法相比,在无窄带干扰情况下,其与基于信号传输时延的抗转发欺骗干扰方法性能相当,在存在窄带干扰情况下其性能明显优于传统的基于信号传输时延的抗转发欺骗干扰方法。通过数值仿真验证了本文方法的有效性。 相似文献
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窄带干扰下GPS接收机捕获性能的研究 总被引:3,自引:1,他引:2
针对GPS接收机抗干扰能力强的特点,分析了窄带干扰对接收机的捕获性能的影响.在扩频理论的基础上,给出了GPS C/A码接收机信号捕获的数学模型,计算得出平均捕获时间与捕获时间方差,给出窄带干扰下的接收机信号捕获的仿真结果.结果表明,当窄带干扰功率超过一定的值时,会导致GPS接收机捕获性能的严重恶化. 相似文献
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针对北斗信号欺骗干扰模型及终端影响研究不足的现状,首先讨论了北斗导航信号欺骗干扰模型,重点研究了同步码相位和异步码相位两种新型诱导式欺骗模型,分析得出后者技术可行性更高;然后,在Matlab环境下仿真了北斗欺骗干扰信号,通过信号捕获相关峰验证了功率相同情况下欺骗干扰的干扰效果;最后,用搭建的实验平台测试了欺骗干扰对北斗接收机的影响。结果表明:在接收机稳定跟踪真实信号的前提下,对某型北斗接收机成功实施欺骗干扰的临界干扰功率条件为25 dB左右,该结论为北斗接收机欺骗干扰检测和防御提供了一定的技术支撑。 相似文献
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基于DRFM的机载PD雷达干扰研究 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
针对传统干扰技术对PD雷达干扰的不足,噪声干扰对干扰机功率要求高,欺骗干扰产生的干扰数目单一,基于当前对抗先进体制雷达的手段——DRFM,对PD雷达干扰进行研究。通过将截获的雷达信号存储、处理,按程序设定的转发间隔重复读出当前采样信号并转发,产生了多个距离欺骗假目标;通过对每次转发干扰进行频率调制,产生了包含距离速度欺骗的一系列假目标;并经过Matable仿真验证了在PD雷达窄带滤波器中,出现多个距离或速度欺骗假目标。并通过仿真验证了干扰的有效性。 相似文献
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为分析存在欺骗干扰的场景下GNSS多波束抗干扰接收机的反欺骗性能,提出欺骗抑制比这一性能指标。推导了在快拍数有限的情况下,多波束抗干扰接收机采用最小方差无失真响应(minimum variance distortionless response,MVDR)算法处理后输出真实信号和欺骗信号功率的理论公式。详细分析了欺骗信号到达天线阵口面的功率对真实信号和欺骗信号输出功率的影响。分析得出:即使欺骗信号功率在噪声水平之下,使用MVDR算法的多波束抗干扰接收机依然能对欺骗干扰进行抑制,且在欺骗信噪比高时,抑制效果更加显著。通过仿真和硬件平台实测验证了结论的正确性。 相似文献
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Lord Aikins Adusei 《African Security Review》2013,22(3):332-359
Energy continues to serve as the bedrock of modern economies and the main driver of modern society. For Africa, the production and supply of energy resources such as crude oil, natural gas, uranium, coal, biomass, biofuels and other renewables are an important source of employment, rents, taxes, royalties and profits. This sector brings in several tens of billions of dollars of revenue annually. The production and delivery of such resources, however, depend on critical infrastructures such as pipelines, refineries, processing plants, terminals, rigs, electrical energy pylons, substations, pump stations, vessels, and tankers. These infrastructures have been attacked by terrorists, insurgents, vandals and saboteurs, all of whom see them as targets against which to register their grievances and extract concessions from the state. This paper is a chronological account of some of the documented incidents of terrorism, insurgency, kidnapping, destruction, sabotage, and human casualties suffered in the oil and gas sectors in Africa between 1999 and 2012. It is based on data extracted from the databases of the RAND Database of World Terrorism Incidents and the University of Maryland's Global Terrorism Database (GTD). 相似文献
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In the Post-Bipolar Era the growing complexity of the military operations requires a new approach for the resolution of international crises. Since the end of the Cold War, peace support operations (PSO) have become the mainstay and principal occupation of most Western armies. At the same time, Italy has been one of the most important actors in such an area. The article focuses on the cooperation between military and civil components (a process called CIMIC) as a key variable in the Italian PSOs. We will analyse in detail the main lessons learned from past military interventions as well as the general context in which new tendencies are taking place. The maintaining of a minimum security frame becomes essential to fulfil activities ‘collateral’ to the mission: reconstructing services and infrastructure, food distribution, water and medication, law and order, de-mining, training of local forces, and supporting local institutions. These are the main tasks to obtain thrust and support from the population. 相似文献
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This article demonstrates the inconsistent and wavering Soviet attitude towards national liberation movements in general and the Palestinian organizations in particular. Until the late 1960s, the Soviets viewed these organizations with suspicion, hesitating to engage in political dialogue with them. However, in the 1970s, political and military events in the region, as well as modifications in the Kremlin's Cold War strategies, led to a general shift towards the Middle East in Soviet foreign policy. Soviet leaders showed increased willingness to provide certain Palestinian organizations with arms with which to conduct terrorist activities against Israeli, pro-Israeli, Jewish and Western targets. The article explores the complex relations between Palestinian organizations and the USSR in the field of international terror. The study also exposes and analyzes the nature and content of Soviet–Palestinian arms dialogues and transactions. It provides clear evidence that Soviet policymakers and other luminaries were fully informed of, and sometimes directly involved in, these transactions and dialogues at the highest levels. 相似文献
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Paul Rich 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(1):39-56
The September 11 global crisis prompted by the attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon raises major questions concerning the nature and trajectory of terrorism in the post-Cold War global order. Hitherto, terrorism has been largely debated by analysts at the level of nation states. Terrorist and insurgent movements have also been largely anchored in nationalist and ethnic power bases even when they have sought to mobilise a transnational ideological appeal on religious or class grounds. There have been a few exceptions to this pattern such as the alliance between the German Baader-Meinhof group and the Japanese Red Army Faction, but even such international alliances as this did not, until at least the 1980s, presage anything like a global terrorist network necessitating a global strategic response. This study examines terrorism and global strategic responses. 相似文献
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Jelmer Brouwer 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(5):835-856
This article analyses to what extent the Burmese KNU insurgency made use of external support from states, refugees, and diasporas. Based on extensive fieldwork it is concluded that support from neighbouring states and refugees has for years kept the Karen rebellion alive. Western countries perceived forms of resistance to the illegitimate Burmese regime as just and have therefore played a crucial role in the continuation of conflict in Karen State. It is important that policymakers and donors as well as executing organizations continue to reflect critically on the way they exercise their work. 相似文献
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Aleksander Zdravkovski 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(5-6):941-963
ABSTRACTWhat was the scope of the Bosnian jihadi participation in the war in Syria? Did the Bosnian volunteers tend to join one particular faction? Why did the Bosnian youngsters decide to join the holy war in the Levant? Was this an organized and hierarchical process or was this a grassroots movement? Last, were all the Salafis in Bosnia supportive of this dynamic or did this process cause internal frictions? These are some of the questions that this research will try to answer. 相似文献
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Samantha Newbery 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2016,27(4):659-680
The UK’s interrogation operations during the conflict in Iraq (2003–2008) are often portrayed by the media as involving significant amounts of mistreatment. This article demonstrates that these practices are not necessarily representative of the UK’s interrogation operations across this conflict. In doing so it contributes to the limited literature on the practice of interrogation and on the UK’s combat operations in Iraq. The UK’s interrogation capability, and therefore its intelligence-gathering capability, is shown to have rested primarily with the military’s Joint Forward Interrogation Team (JFIT). The JFIT suffered from limitations to the number, training and experience of its interrogators and interpreters. It is argued that maintaining a permanent, higher level of preparedness for interrogation by the British armed forces is desirable. 相似文献
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Richard Reid 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2019,30(4-5):1040-1069
ABSTRACT While the study of organised violence is considered essential to understanding the history of the West, and accordingly imbued with various layers of meaning and remembrance, war is widely regarded as inimical to the modern nation in Africa and stable development more broadly. Using examples drawn from primarily from East Africa, this paper considers the ways in which warfare in the deeper (‘precolonial’) past has been framed and envisioned in recent decades, in particular by governments whose own roots lie in revolutionary armed struggle and who began life as guerrilla movements. While in some cases particular elements of the deeper past were indeed mobilised in pursuit of contemporary political goals, in many other scenarios histories of precolonial violence were beheld as problematic and unworthy of remembrance. This paper highlights the paradox and ambiguity which has attended the memory of key aspects of Africa’s deeper past. 相似文献