美军在军事行动中运用社交媒体的策略

美军充分发挥社交媒体高效、透明和灵活的优势,积极用于军事行动,收到了显著的效果.美军运用社交媒体的策略主要体现在六个方面:制定军事行动中的社交媒体实施方案,强化社交媒体的军用意识;沿用“战略通信”组织模式,建立高效的社交媒体运用机构;建立针对社交媒体的监督团队,为社交媒体策略的制定提供及时、有效的信息;平衡信息安全和信息共享两个环节,以最安全的形式最大限度地利用社交媒体;明确相关政策,使社交媒体的运用更具灵活性;创建社交媒体网站,进一步增强各部门间的协作性.     

美军运用社交网站开展思想教育的实践

社交网站具有思想教育活动所要求的组织传播和人际传播特点。美军与社交网站的全面触网,起始于征兵宣传,推广至形象塑造。在思想教育视域中,社交网站成为美军对内监测官兵思想动态、凝聚团队精神形成战斗力,对外价值现宣扬输出的隐形工具。     

美军日常生活禁忌

美军日常生活禁忌●吴东莞为在军营中保持良好的秩序与和睦的人际关系,美军约定了种种禁忌,哪些事情可以做,哪些事情不能做,已经成为美军日常生活中许多约定俗成的惯例和礼节。不许破坏军人名誉不许破坏军官服装及其在社交中军人的名誉,对行为不得体的军官应根据《军...     

社交媒体动员并影响战争的时代到来

当前国外爆发的地区冲突中,媒体战愈演愈烈,社交媒体在战争和动员中的作用凸显.可以预见,社交媒体动员和对战争进程的影响,将成为一种历史必然.     

半月回放

数字Numbers 100人10月30日,驻伊拉克美军发表声明,10月份美军在伊拉克死亡的人数已达100人,也使10月成为今年美军在伊拉克伤亡最为惨重的月份。据媒体统计,自2003年3月伊拉克战争爆发以来,已有2800多名美军士兵在伊身亡。     

网络信息战——社交媒体武器化趋势及影响

互联网进入2.0时代后,以社交媒体为主要信息传播平台的新媒体已逐步变为相对独立的社会力量,成为新的战略制高点。社交媒体平台以其传播信息的速度与广度,对庞大的用户人群产生巨大的影响。各国政府和军队意识到社交媒体的飞速发展不仅让其成为新型战略传播工具,更在网络信息战领域成为强大的"心理"干预武器。本文介绍了社交网络通过舆论引导、意识形态控制、僵尸网络病毒化传播等手段在政治、军事上施加新形态影响,分析了混合战争模式下社交媒体成为恐怖分子、民兵和私人武装集团等非政府实体攫取政治控制权的理想平台。因此,我们必须重视社交媒体潜在及现实的武器化影响,把控社会舆论方向,筑牢意识形态防线,以便应对未来网络信息战的挑战。     

美国军事专家眼中的伊拉克战争

日前,美国有限电视新闻网(CNN)特邀美国有关军事专家对尘埃刚刚落定的伊拉克战争中美军作战的得失进行专业评点。2003年3月20日爆发的伊拉克战争由于美军4月12日几乎兵不血刃攻占了巴格达,使一度国际媒体普遍预测的所谓“巴格达攻坚战”成为泡影,而一扫战争初期由于估计不足、遭遇伊军顽强抵抗而行动受挫后一度笼罩在美军头上的批评阴云。此间媒体指出,一个月前,美军在巴格达投下第一枚炸弹,而3个星期后,美军士兵就已经出现在巴格达街头。与第二次世界大战相比,美英联军推进的速度     

美“国防媒体局”今年要开张

据国外媒体披露,美国国防部正尝试打造一个由其直接操盘的一体化宣传机构——国防媒体局,预计此机构将在2011年组建完成并正式运营。由此,美军将建立一套以一体化宣传为核心特点的新运作体制。国防媒体局的成立也标志着美军宣传体制出现重大调整。     

俄乌功勋表彰对我军做好战时立功创模工作的启示

俄乌冲突作为社交媒体时代第一场被“全网直播”的大规模军事冲突，双方运用功勋表彰、政策激励等手段激发部队士气的鲜活例子，对我军做好战时立功创模工作具有重要启示。     

奥马尔仍不言败

近期,国外媒体纷纷评价藏匿于阿富汗深山老林“卧薪尝胆、韬光养晦”的阿富汗塔利班首领奥马尔的“功过是非”。有的称奥马尔在阿富汗的战争中经不起美军的敲打,“树倒猢狲散”;有的说奥马尔在美军的重击下,“表现不错”,避开了美军锐利锋芒,数     

Measuring Military Professionalism in Partner Nations: Guidance for Security Assistance Officials

The U.S. spends billions of dollars in its security cooperation program to develop “professional, accountable, and capable security forces” in other nations, part of a grand strategy to improve global stability and counter violent extremism. Despite its great investment in professionalizing foreign militaries, however, the U.S. has no functional definition of military professionalism – a term that until now has been considered too vague and multi-faceted to operationalize. In this article, the author seeks to remedy this oversight, drawing from twenty years of security cooperation fieldwork in Latin America and Africa, as well as a vigorous literature review, to define four important components of military professionalism: (1) formal military education and vocational training, (2) military subordination to elected civilian officials, (3) knowledge and practice of the law of armed conflict and human rights law, and (4) a clearly established program of professional military ethics. This article provides guidelines for U.S. and European officials who work with partner nations to develop more professional military forces and, in particular, for officials managing security assistance programs with developing countries.     

伊拉克反美武装军事行动特点分析

伊拉克主要战事结束两年半了,反美武装成为驻伊美军最主要的作战对象.面对美军先进的武器装备,反美武装采取了灵活机动的战术手段.分析了伊拉克反美武装军事行动的几个特点.     

美军装备维修的基本做法及发展趋势

本文围绕着维修管理阐述了美军改进装备维修工作的基本做法,并综合评述了80年代后的发展趋势。     

EU armed forces and social media: convergence or divergence?

This article explores how armed forces in EU member states work with and view social media in national and international settings, and what the patterns of convergence/divergence are on these issues. To that end, a questionnaire targeted at EU armed forces was constructed. An index of qualitative variation was calculated to explore the relative convergence among respondents (n = 25) on issues of risks and opportunities with using social media nationally and internationally. Consistent with previous research on European armed forces, we found higher levels of divergence than convergence. Contrary to our expectations that similar challenges, joint international standards, and membership in international organizations would foster convergence with regard to social media use in areas of deployment, we found that convergence appeared foremost pertaining to the domestic level. Policy divergence was strongest in areas of deployment.     

美关岛基地战略前景分析

关岛是美军在西太平洋地区的重要战略支撑点,既是战略轰炸机基地,又是海军在西太主要的作战、后勤保障中心,还是海军陆战队的集结基地,军力可有效辐射西太地区。对于美军来说,关岛具有政治可持续性、地理位置优越、自身规模适宜等自身优势,同时也面临着远程打击威胁增多、军力部署集中与分散两难、盟友顾虑被抛弃等问题。美国将持续加大对关岛的军事力量建设投入,进一步加强关岛在西太的军事核心地位。     

Tripwires and free-riders: Do forward-deployed U.S. troops reduce the willingness of host-country citizens to fight for their country?

This article investigates the relationship between U.S. overseas troops and the willingness of the citizens of host states to fight for their country. The study joins the long-running debate about burden-sharing and free-riding among U.S. allies. Unlike most previous empirical studies, we focus on non-material or intangible measures of the underlying concepts. Our dependent variable estimates the proportion of citizens expressing a willingness to fight for their country. Scores at the aggregate-national as well as the individual level are shaped by the presence of U.S. military forces, which act as a “tripwire” signaling credible security commitments. This increases opportunities of (non-material) free-riding. We present both bivariate and multivariate analyses covering the period 1981–2014 to test this supposition. Findings indicate that once U.S. troop levels reach a certain threshold (between 100 and 500 troops), citizens’ willingness to fight drops significantly. This likely reflects non-material free-riding.     

Force deployment and the production of security: Why is the united states in NATO?

Standard economic concepts of production and cost minimization subject to a production constraint are used to derive the conditions of optimal deployment of home and forward military forces for the production of home security. United States' participation in the NATO alliance is then analyzed in the context of a two‐ally (U.S. and Western Europe) optimal force deployment model of NATO. Next, U.S. force‐basing policy is adduced as an enforcement mechanism for the “transatlantic contract.” Lastly, statistical evidence on burden sharing within Western Europe, and the effectiveness of the U.S. contract enforcement policy, is presented.     

美军航天力量发展走势分析

美军一直奉行全球战略极度依赖天基信息支援。美军航天力量在夺取制天权,确保战时进入、利用太空自由,为海外军事行动提供信息支撑方面发挥决定性作用。美军认为航天领域颠覆性技术的应用将会迅速而深刻地颠覆传统战争规则,是应对新兴国家军事威胁,实施第三次"抵消战略"的核心技术。美军高度重视航天力量装备规划、体制编制、理论研究和人才培养的创新发展。研究近年来美军航天力量的建设发展重点,可以透过其一系列的航天力量发展规划,得出美军航天力量发展战略和走势,具有强的启示性。     

Tilting at windmills: The flawed U.S. policy toward the 1971 Indo-Pakistani war

ABSTRACT

This article examines decision-making mistakes made by U.S. President Nixon and national security advisor Kissinger during the 1971 India-Pakistan crisis and war. It shows that Nixon and Kissinger routinely demonstrated psychological biases that led them to overestimate the likelihood of West Pakistani victory against Bengali rebels as well as the importance of the crisis to broader U.S. policy. The evidence fails to support Nixon and Kissinger’s own framing of the 1971 crisis as a contest between cool-headed realpolitik and idealistic humanitarianism, and instead shows that Kissinger and Nixon’s policy decisions harmed their stated goals because of repeated decision-making errors.     

Civil-military relations and human security in a post-dictatorship

This article explores current developments in Chile, where since the return to democracy in 1990, the elected authorities have reconfigured the nation’s military resources in favour of four action pillars: peacekeeping and international conflict management, landmine removal and gun disarmament, emergency and catastrophe response, and a concern for human, economic and social rights. Successive defence policies offer a valuable case study for exploring the trade-offs between security, traditional and non-traditional threat management and institutional capabilities. The article argues that human security policymaking is not free from undesired outcomes; specifically, regarding how to reconvene the role of the armed forces when conventional war seems a thing of the past. The paper focuses on the interagency policy implications and the challenges ahead for civilians and the military.