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1.
单兵种对多兵种作战的最优策略是研究多兵种对多兵种作战最优策略的基础.基于Lanchester方程,探讨了在"越南方式"下,单兵种对多兵种作战的微分对策模型的最优火力分配策略.主要运用微分对策理论对该模型进行了分析和求解.最后结合历史实际,对所得到的结论做出了符合战术意义的揭示.  相似文献   

2.
本文通过讨论单兵种对双兵种作战模型的求解和分析,得到了各战斗状态估计式,为战斗决策人员确定作战策略、制定作战方案提供了较好的理论依据。  相似文献   

3.
我国的后备兵员储备工作,由大办民兵师,改为建立专业技术兵储备基地,即现行的以地(市)行政区域为基本单位,以一至两个兵种专业为重点,平时结合征兵定向向相应的兵种部队输送兵员,战士退伍后又将其储备起来,逐步形成地区性的预备役专业技术兵队伍。这种储备方式,是加强预备役骨干队伍建设的有效措施。但它还存在着一些不可忽视的缺陷,主要是地域性预备役兵种单一,平时不利于预备役部队建设,战时不利于合成部队就地就近快速动员扩编。我们认为,建立合成兵种与专业技术兵相结合的预备役兵员储备系统,即在主要战略方向、战略要地,有计划按比例地建立合成兵种预备役兵员储备基地;在内陆和其他地区继续设立现行的专业技术储备基地。它较之现行单一的专业技术兵储备基地具有更多的益处。  相似文献   

4.
在军事历史领域,对于兵种兴衰的分析并没有形成一种规范统一的研究方法。借用拉卡托斯的科学研究纲领方法论至少可以对兵种兴衰中的3个问题给予很好的解释:武器装备、作战方式等在提升兵种的战场地位方面起着重要作用,兵种更替具有缓慢性与艰难性的特点,兵种在其发展历程的不同时期具有不同的发展模式。借用这一研究方法不仅仅是换一个角度对兵种兴衰做出解释,更重要的在于可以启发人们发现一些传统方法没有关注过的问题与现象并做出解释。虽然拉卡托斯方法的引入,对于更好地解释兵种更替中的许多现象有很大帮助,但对于这一方法的局限性也不能忽视,明确这种局限性关键在于理解科学与兵种之间的差别。  相似文献   

5.
《国防》2005,(4):14-17
武警部队兵种分队是遂行处置突发事件、反恐怖和后方防卫作战任务的重要力量。提高武警部队兵种分队的训练质量,增强其快速反应和遂行任务的能力,应以全军一体化训练思想为指导,紧贴武警部队职能任务需要,积极探索具有武警部队特色的兵种区域协作训练的方法路子。一、开展兵种区域协作训练的必要性和紧迫性武警部队开展兵种区域协作训练,是落实全军一体化训练思想的实际行动,它适应武警部队任务需求,符合武警部队兵种分队体制编制和训练现状,对提高武警部队遂行处置突发事件、反恐怖和后方防卫作战任务的能力具有重要意义。(一)兵种分队任务…  相似文献   

6.
王春生 《环球军事》2011,(24):25-27
据俄罗斯媒体报道,俄武装力量新建立的空天防御兵首个指挥所12月1日开始正式进入战斗值班状态。此前,俄航天兵司令奥斯塔片科曾于10月4日宣布,俄罗斯正以航天兵为基础组建新兵种空天防御兵,兵种成立初期暂由航天兵司令部代行指挥管理权。作为全球首个空天防御兵种、作为俄军历史上首次由兵种吞并军种的先例,俄空天防御兵的组成、任务、...  相似文献   

7.
构建陆军兵种战场环境信息系统,要着力解决实现兵种间信息系统、信息化武器装备的互联、互通、互操作;形成联合作战条件下的战场信息环境;建成信息管理技术支持平台.从而使其具备支持陆军诸兵种间的互联互通互操作、联合情报侦察、指挥控制、协调联合打击作战行动、进行综合保障的功能.根据外军的一些做法,提出了该系统的整体结构,应该包括数据获取输入、数据库、分析支撑和应用四个主要子系统,并且研究了实现的基本方法.  相似文献   

8.
创新兵种战术学研究生培养机制是为公安边防部队造就具备指挥作战及管理能力的高素质复合应用型人才的重要保证。在兵种战术学研究生的培养过程中应转变理念,推动兵种战术学研究生教育转型,把研究生培养成"理论水平高、实战能力强"的高层次应用型复合型人才。研究生教育必须以部队战斗力建设为指针,把边防部队对研究生培养的满意程度作为评价研究生教育质量的惟一标准。  相似文献   

9.
对于大规模多兵种交战,作战指数评估是进行军事决策的重要依据.针对传统作战指数评估方法依赖专家经验知识的问题,借鉴强化学习理论,提出了多兵种交战兰彻斯特方程中作战指数迭代计算方法,利用作战指数和火力分配策略的递推关系,循环更新作战指数直至结果收敛,重点考察了固定更新率、梯度指数递减方法和动量梯度方法对迭代收敛性的影响,通过调节更新率、递减强度和动量强度等超参数取值,显著提高了迭代收敛速度和稳定性.  相似文献   

10.
王蜀宁 《国防科技》2010,31(4):69-71
合成营由于其力量构成的多元化,分队级别的信息在兵种间横向传递必然会遇到由传统通信保障造成的兼容性障碍。文章探讨通过分析处于转型中的美陆军兵种合成营在通信带宽、通信手段、通信体制上存在的兼容性问题,以期起到借鉴作用。  相似文献   

11.
The aim of this paper is to investigate the determinants of international arms transfers in a gravity model framework. By distinguishing between the decision to export arms (extensive margin) and the value of the arms exported (intensive margin), while also considering its interdependence, is what differentiates this paper from previous research. A theoretically justified gravity model of trade augmented with political and security motives is estimated using a two-stage panel data approach for 104 exporting countries over the period from 1950 to 2007. In addition to the usual gravity variables related to the economic mass of the trading countries and the trade cost factors, the model is extended with political and security factors. The level of democracy in both trading partners, political differences between trading partners and voting similarity with the United States in the UN General Assembly of the countries engaged in trade are the main political factors, whereas the existence of conflicts, military pacts, and embargoes are taken as security motives. The key result indicates that both political and security motives are an important determinant of an arms trade, but their effects on the extensive margin of exports (the decision to order a transfer) differs from their effect on the intensive margin (average value of exports). Moreover, the relative importance of the factors under study has changed since 1989. In the post-cold war period, countries that are less democratic are more likely to export arms, military pacts are less relevant and embargoes play a role.  相似文献   

12.

The paper draws on the demand for arms imports model of Levine and Smith (1995, 1997) using stochastic processes of the birth-death type in steady state. It assumes two antagonistic regional players engaged in an armaments race satisfying their demand for military hardware through imports from the international market. The paper examines the effects that arms imports have on the military balance between the two recipient countries. It constructs a state space of possible outcomes in terms of the military balance/imbalance between the two countries involved. A new variable is introduced which tries to encapsulate the absolute difference in their respective security functions at any moment in time. This variable affects the transition from one state of affairs to the other.  相似文献   

13.
ABSTRACT

Since the end of the Cold War, arms control proponents tried to make the case for deep nuclear reductions and other forms of security cooperation as necessary for strategic stability. While different versions of strategic stability analysis did sometimes produce innovative proposals, constructive negotiations, and successful ratification campaigns in the past, this analytical framework has become more of a hindrance than a help. Treating arms control as a predominantly technical way to make deterrence more stable by changing force structure characteristics, military operations, relative numbers of weapons on either side, or total number of nuclear weapons gives short shrift to political factors, including the fundamental assumptions about world politics that inform different arms control logics, the quality of political relations among leading states, and the political processes that affect negotiation, ratification, and implementation. This article compares two logics for arms control as a means to enhance strategic stability, one developed by the Cambridge community in the 1960s and one used by the Reagan administration and its successors, with current perspectives on strategic stability in which flexibility and freedom of action are preferable to predictability and arms control. It also contrasts what the Barack Obama administration has tried to achieve through strategic stability dialogues with Russia and China with how they envision security cooperation. It then presents an approach developed during the Cold War by Hedley Bull for thinking about both the technical and the political dimensions of arms control, and suggests that the logic of Cooperative Security (which shares important features with Bull's approach) is a more appropriate and productive way to think about arms control in the twenty-first century than strategic stability analysis is.  相似文献   

14.
针对目前虚拟人上肢可触及性检查操作烦琐、效率低的问题,提出一种RRT(Rapidly-exploring RandomTree)算法与逆向运动学算法相结合的路径规划方法,通过检测可行路径是否存在来实现人体上肢可触及性检查。给出了该方法的具体流程和关键问题的解决策略,并基于Jack软件进行了实例验证。  相似文献   

15.
军备控制的目的是维护国家的安全和减少国家安全威胁.随着现代科学技术的发展和世界经济一体化进程的加快,国家安全威胁的因素与国家军事能力同步增长.尤其是现代信息技术的快速渗透和发展,不仅带来了安全隐患的增加,也加速了武器装备的更新换代,对国际军备控制产生了广泛的影响.  相似文献   

16.
The aim of this article is to evaluate how French Major Conventional Weapons (MCW) exports impact on the conflict intensity of recipient countries. The recent increase in French arms exports seems to contradict the French political discourse on the promotion of regional stability. We run zero-inflated ordered probit model in order to analyze the role of the arms trade on the intensity of civil conflicts in 144 countries from 1992 to 2014, using SIPRI and UCDP/PRIO data. Our results suggest that French MCW exports tended not to exacerbate intrastate conflicts during this period. This finding is robust to changes in the empirical framework. We propose two lines of explanations: France seems to be prone to choosing partners that respect human rights and selling more ‘defense-oriented’ MCW than the rest of the world.  相似文献   

17.
This study analyzes the determinants of arms production in 15 countries using annual panel data from 1997 to 2002. The results suggest that real GDP per capita, military expenditures, arms exports, and arms imports are positively related to arms production.  相似文献   

18.
This study analyses an arms race between South and North Korea over the period 1963–2000. Despite the strategic importance of the Korean Peninsula, the arms race between South and North Korea has rarely been studied. In this study, the South–North arms race is empirically estimated using Richardson’s action–reaction model. The pattern of South–North arms race between the Cold War (1963–1989) and the post‐Cold War eras (1990–2000) as well as the existence of an arms race is examined comparing both countries’ defence spending, number of military personnel and tactical aircraft.  相似文献   

19.
如何构建诸军兵种综合战术训练仿真系统,是当前全军训练仿真领域内的研究热点。基于HLA技术框架及分层式RTI,搭建了海军诸兵种综合战术训练仿真系统的体系结构。并采用面向对象的建模与仿真方法,提出了系统公共参考FOM模型的设计思路,定义了实体类、交互类及路径空间,有效规范并减少了系统间网络传输的数据流量。最后,给出了系统仿真实现的流程图和一个仿真实例。实践证明,使用HLA仿真框架实现的海军诸兵种综合战术训练仿真系统能够满足当前海军战术训练的需求。  相似文献   

20.
本文运用价值工程(VE)方法分析武器装备,并称效费比为价值。按照美国人杜佩(Dupuy)的办法把武器装备的效能化为“战斗效能值”,又计算出武器装备的全寿命费用,然后二者加以对比,提出了选择武器系统的定量方法。  相似文献   

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