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91.
Periodic mass screening is the scheduled application of a test to all members of a population to provide early detection of a randomly occurring defect or disease. This paper considers periodic mass screening with particular reference to the imperfect capacity of the test to detect an existing defect and the associated problem of selecting the kind of test to use. Alternative kinds of tests differ with respect to their reliability characteristics and their cost per application. Two kinds of imperfect test reliability are considered. In the first case, the probability that the test will detect an existing defect is constant over all values of elapsed time since the incidence of the defect. In the second case, the test will detect the defect if, and only if, the lapsed time since incidence exceeds a critical threshold T which characterizes the test. The cost of delayed detection is an arbitrary increasing function (the “disutility function”) of the duration of the delay. Expressions for the long-run expected disutility per unit time are derived for the above two cases along with results concerning the best choice of type of test (where the decision rules make reference to characteristics of the disutility function). 相似文献
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93.
Major William Selber 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2018,29(2):344-366
Since the fall of the Taliban in late 2001, the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan (GIRoA), the United States, the United Nations, and the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) have funded and led three different Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR) programs. Despite a significant investment in time and treasure, all of them have failed to significantly reduce the number of insurgents or arbaki (militia). This article explores why these programs failed despite incorporating ideas from the prominent DDR schools of thought. Utilizing Stathis Kalyvas’ theory of The Logic of Violence in Civil War as a lens, this article argues that GIRoA and ISAF did not have sufficient control of territory to entice insurgents or arbaki to reconcile and/or reintegrate with the government. Further, in areas GIRoA nominally controlled in northern and western Afghanistan, regional powerbrokers who controlled these areas balked at these programs. 相似文献
94.
William R. Patterson 《Low Intensity Conflict & Law Enforcement》2002,11(1):77-93
Since the end of the Cold War the process of nation building has become a priority in the attempt to maintain world order and security in the wake of the instability and devastation wrought by failed and war-torn states. The proliferation of nation-building missions has led to their diversification and the need to marshal a vast array of resources in order to attain substantial levels of success. This article deals with a new and important component of peacekeeping and nation-building missions, that of civilian policing. The article outlines the goals of using civilian police officers in nation-building missions and discusses a variety of problems (pragmatic, legal, and cultural) that policing may introduce to such missions. This discussion is focused around the civilian policing component of the United Nations Mission in Kosovo. It delineates the successes and hardships so far experienced during the mission in Kosovo and explores the insights that the mission may provide for similar projects in the future. 相似文献
95.
William C. Spracher 《Low Intensity Conflict & Law Enforcement》2002,11(1):29-54
The newest US Cabinet department is Homeland Security (DHS). One of the most controversial aspects in the process of developing this entity is the role of intelligence in providing information on the increasing terrorist threat. This article examines the intelligence challenges for homeland security. In doing so, it explores the problems of merging disparate cultures - law enforcement vs intelligence, civil entities vs military, federal vs state and local jurisdictions, and domestic focus vs international perspective. Given the nature of the globalized, asymmetric threat, the need for more and better intelligence sharing is obvious. Terrorists and other criminals do not respect international boundaries; in fact, they exploit them in an effort to prevent effective and timely countermeasures. This demands that robust multinational collaboration and interagency coordination be practiced. 相似文献
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97.
Military reading lists, intended to promote professional reading and in turn enhance education and develop critical thinking skills and sound judgement, recommend key texts to military personnel. This is a noble intent but the lists themselves, while generally good, are not flawless. Critiques of military reading lists often focus on what sources they are missing. This article offers its own critique but from a different perspective. It does so by analysing why some sources, which have become outdated, are based on faulty or incomplete research, have been thoroughly disproven, or some combination of the above, nevertheless linger on military reading lists. It then offers a short list of such sources, which it recommends be either removed from existing reading lists or accompanied by other sources that place the original source in appropriate historical context. Where applicable, it also recommends alternative sources that provide insights into the same subject matter. In so doing, this article is intended generate debate and to assist militaries to achieve a better balance between evaluation, induction and retention of valid knowledge on one hand, and rejection of outdated or flawed knowledge on the other. 相似文献
98.
William T. Johnsen 《Defense & Security Analysis》2019,35(3):223-240
This essay outlines a theory of land power. After explaining the absence of such a theory, the article establishes the modern context for such a theory, specifically within the concept of joint interdependence. The analysis defines key terms and premises behind the theory, to include a definition of land power. The argument then outlines the national elements of power that contribute to a theory of land power. The analysis next applies the theory to the fundamental purposes of military power: defeat, deter, compel, assure, shape and support to the nation. The analysis then tests key definitions, supporting premises, and utility of the theory. The essay argues that historical experience validates the applicability and utility of the theory, and offers a solid basis for extrapolating the validity of the theory into the near future. 相似文献
99.
We consider a make‐to‐order production system where two major components, one nonperishable (referred to as part 1) and one perishable (part 2), are needed to fulfill a customer order. In each period, replenishment decisions for both parts need to be made jointly before demand is realized and a fixed ordering cost is incurred for the nonperishable part. We show that a simple (sn,S,S) policy is optimal. Under this policy, S along with the number of backorders at the beginning of a period if any and the availability of the nonperishable part (part 1) determines the optimal order quantity of the perishable part (part 2), while (sn,S) guide when and how much of part 1 to order at each state. Numerical study demonstrates that the benefits of using the joint replenishment policy can be substantial, especially when the unit costs are high and/or the profit margin is low. © 2009 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. Naval Research Logistics, 2009 相似文献
100.
William Moon 《The Nonproliferation Review》2019,26(5-6):613-634
ABSTRACTAs the United States and North Korea pursue negotiations on a “denuclearization” agreement, the two countries should consider initiating cooperative measures as a way to build confidence and encourage finalization of a complete agreement. Based on lessons from the initial engagements carried out under the Cooperative Threat Reduction (CTR) program in states of the former Soviet Union (FSU), initial cooperation should focus on safety and security, training, and infrastructure elimination. By offering to implement these initiatives now while negotiations are underway, the United States could gain additional insights into North Korean intentions. These early initiatives could be proposed without compromising the US maximum-pressure campaign on North Korea by using the current authorities of the CTR program and carefully designing specific exemptions that may be required for any agreed measures. If North Korea is truly interested in pursuing disarmament efforts, the initial cooperative projects would enable them to begin reaping potential benefits while negotiations continue with sanctions still in place. These initial proposals could also be expanded to include additional international partners such as Russia, China, South Korea, and Japan. Such programs and initiatives would support and supplement longer-term strategies to address North Korean weapons-of-mass-destruction challenges. 相似文献