信息推荐系统中的朋友关系预测算法设计

伴随着互联网规模的不断扩展,信息过载问题越来越突出。信息推荐系统被视为解决信息过载问题的最有效方法。然而目前的方法大多数仅考虑用户独立的反馈,而忽略用户的社会属性对推荐的重要作用,这对信息推荐系统的性能会造成巨大的影响。为此,本文提出了基于朋友关系预测的信息推荐算法,将用户的社会关系预测引入信息推荐过程中,分别基于用户的拓扑信息及历史交互信息建立用户社会关系的存在性判定及关系类型判定,并利用线性回归分析方法和逻辑回归分析方法实现了基本特征的融合。最后,通过在Epinions和Slashdot真实数据集上的实验证明,本方法能够有效提高用户社会关系预测的准确性。     

PHEV电池电荷状态估计设计及仿真

电池管理系统(battery management system,BMS)是混合动力汽车(parallel hybrid electric vehicle,PHEV)能量管理系统中的核心组成部分,而其中电池电荷状态(state of charge,soc)则是PHEV控制策略中的重要参数.针对PHEV动力电池组SOC系统高度非线性和复杂性的特点,提出了一种基于改进的BP神经网络的HEV动力电池组的实时SOC估计,并对网络的收敛性进行了证明.利用大量PHEV动力电池组在行驶过程中充放电的数据样本,对神经网络进行网络训练并且进行仿真.结果表明,与传统离线SOC估计方法相比,能够有效地减小误差,提高电池SOC的精度.     

人工神经网络的装甲兵体系作战协同效果评估

针对基于信息系统的装甲兵体系作战中的协同问题,在综合分析装甲机械化部队体系作战协同过程及信息流程的基础上,构建了基于精确性、有序性、灵活性、时效性等原则的协同效果评估指标体系,采用基于人工神经网络的多指标综合评价方法,建立基于BP神经网络的综合评价模型,并结合实证分析,利用MATLAB软件进行仿真计算,为装甲兵体系作战协同效果评估提供了较好的途径,为装甲兵指挥员更加合理地组织信息化条件下体系作战协同提供决策依据.     

基于多变元网络的Cyber作战建模方法

Cyberspace是近年出现的一个新概念,分析了Cyberspace的概念及特性,提出Cyberspace层次概念模型,在此基础上,提出基于多变元网络的Cyber作战建模方法,认为Cyber作战建模可以分为对战争系统静态结构建模和交战行为动态交互建模,并对应分别建立了Cyberspace战争系统的多变元网络模型和Cyber作战交战行为的多变元网络演化模型,最后运用所建立的模型对一个典型Cyber战进行了分析.     

一种新型的信息网络安全接入认证模型

接入认证是网络安全防护中的第一道屏障,是实施访问控制的基础.通信安全几乎总是开始于身份认证的握手过程,因此,认证机制对于保证整个网络系统的安全性具有十分重要的意义.在深入研究现有的网络接入认证架构基础之上,提出了一种新的通用的网络接入认证模型并详细说明了认证流程,其中,不仅要求用户使用数字证书进行入网认证,更重要的是在其使用网络资源期间,将对其进行持续的刷新认证及网络行为的信任评价,以此确保用户身份的持久可信性并预防潜在的网络攻击.     

面向架次率的机场资源配置优化模型

架次出动率是评价军用飞机作战能力的一项重要指标.面向架次率这一重要指标,基于排队理论和边际分析法建立了机场资源配置优化模型.首先建立架次生成过程的闭排队网络模型,使用平均值分析方法获得给定资源配置下,任意架飞机参与飞行时的架次出动率;然后结合平均值分析算法和边际分析方法,综合考虑资源的价值和对架次率的影响,建立面向架次率的资源配置优化模型.此模型可为机场资源配置提供决策方案,并通过一个实例介绍了本模型的应用.     

基于VISA和SCPI的自动校准程序开发

描述了在VC++环境中开发的基于VISA接口标准的射频半实物仿真系统校准自动测试程序.利用VISA函数与接口无关、与操作系统无关、与编程环境无关的特点,通过GPIB总线和SCPI标准命令对矢量网络分析仪进行程序控制,达到空间辐射信号精确测量的目的,实现了目标阵列的宽带特性校准.     

Country survey VI: Australia

Australia is a geographically large country, with the world's longest national coastline to defend, but a relatively small economy of some 17.5 million people. Since World War II, Australia has faced the dilemma of how to structure defence policy in the absence of an identifiable threat. Its policy of self‐reliance aims to permit Australia to conduct defensive operations in the event of low/medium level threats without depending immediately on its allies. This is to be achieved through the technological sophistication of defence equipment, a highly professional but small defence force and local industry support.

The burden of defence, measured as the share of defence outlay in GDP declined from about 3% in 1971–72 to about 2.3% in 1993–94. It has been the Government's policy to encourage the development of local defence‐related industry, in particular in areas such as: electronics/optics; communications and information technology; aerospace; shipbuilding and repair, munitions; and land vehicles. However, defence procurement has a small impact on the Australian economy as a whole.     

The ‘African COP’

The 17th Conference of the Parties (COP17) had been anticipated as the ‘African COP’, not only due to the African venue but also due to the opportunity it would afford African countries – with South Africa at the helm – to steer the debate on a global climate change regime. With the conference now over, lobby groups, international organisations, negotiators, observers and commentators alike have been taking stock of its outcome. Despite the litany of developmental and security implications of climate change, COP17 got underway with little hope that much might actually be achieved. In light of the discouraging condition of the global economy, with leading developed economies suffering financially, states were hardly in a mood to be making concessions that would impact their fiscal health. Nonetheless, an agreement was reached. Questions remain, however, about the significance of the outcome of the African COP for the world at large, but ultimately also for Africa.     

ALBANIA'S CHEMICAL WEAPONS CON

In 2003, the Albanian government declared that in late 2002 it had discovered a heretofore unknown cache of 16 tons of chemical weapons. Tirana requested and received assistance from the West in securing and destroying the materials, a task completed in 2007. Albania has been lauded for its responsible handling of the discovery and for being the first nation to complete the destruction of its chemical weapons under the terms of the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC). This article argues that the Albanian government has always knowingly possessed the weapons, keeping them a secret until a post-September 11, 2001 international focus on weapons of mass destruction made it politically worthwhile for Tirana to declare and destroy them. The likelihood that the governments of the West turned a willful blind eye to this chain of events is troubling for the credibility of the CWC and confidence in nonproliferation measures in general. Finally, the author recommends measures to avoid and address similar situations in the future.