An investigation on anti-impact and penetration performance of basalt fiber composites with different weave and lay-up modes

The woven basalt fiber composites (WBFC) and the unidirectional [0°/90°/45°/-45°]_s basalt fiber composites (UBFC) were prepared by hot-pressing. Three-point bending test, low velocity impact test, and ballistic test were performed to the prepared composites. After the tests, the specimens were recovered and analyzed for micromorphology. Three-point bending tests show that both the bending strength and stiffness of the WBFC surpass those of the UBFC. Low velocity impact test results show that the low velocity impact resistance to hemispherical impactor of the UBFC is higher than that of the WBFC, but the low velocity impact resistance to sharp impactor of the UBFC is lower than that of the WBFC. For the ballistic test, it can be found that the ballistic property of the UBFC is higher than that of the WBFC. After the tests, microscopic analysis of the specimens was applied, and their failure mechanism was discussed. The main failure modes of the UBFC are delamination and fibers breakage under the above loading conditions while the main failure mode of the WBFC is fibers breakage. Although delamination damage can be found in the WBFC under the above loading conditions, the degree of delamination is far less than that of the UBFC.     

美军作战试验与鉴定发展研究

当前,军队装备试验鉴定正由性能试验向作战试验、在役考核全领域拓展。在装备试验鉴定体系全面重塑的历史背景下,为适应军队装备试验鉴定发展新变化,探索装备试验鉴定新理论,推进装备试验鉴定自主创新发展,亟需开展装备试验鉴定技术研究。美军相对较早开展了装备试验与鉴定工作,在作战试验与鉴定工作方面已形成了较完善的法规制度体系和规范的操作流程,有较成熟的理论与方法成果可供借鉴。与此同时,美军作战试验与鉴定工作也面临许多新问题。本文剖析了美军作战试验与鉴定的内涵和管理模式,研究了2018和2019年美军作战试验与鉴定的重点技术领域,并进行了对比分析,以期掌握近期美军作战试验与鉴定工作的发展变化。     

Being there: US Navy organisational culture and the forward presence debate

ABSTRACT

This article argues that the US Navy’s roles (which have historically been bifurcated between warfighting and political use of force) manifest in its organisational culture as two different concepts of war: the US Navy as diplomatic actor and the US Navy as warfighting force. The conflict between these different concepts of war can be seen in the current debate about the definition and function of presence. The debate about presence is not just theoretical, but represents a deep and enduring conflict within the Navy as an organisation about its concept of war. Since the end of WWII, the Navy has been designing its fleet architecture according to a Mahanian concept of war, despite the preponderance of non-lethal missions and activities. The result is a mismatch between platforms and tasks.     

“These aren’t the SLOC’s you’re looking for”: mirror-imaging battles of the Atlantic won’t solve current Atlantic security needs

ABSTRACT

Discussion surrounding the announcement of a new NATO Maritime Command for the North Atlantic seems to have settled on the assumption that there is again a vital “sea-line of communication” (SLOC) between North America and Europe as there was supposed to be during the Cold War. The Soviet Union had a large fleet of nuclear and conventional submarines and it seemed very clear that Soviet admirals intended to fight a third “Battle of the Atlantic” in the event of war to prevent Western resupply of NATO. However, this scenario bore no resemblance to what the Soviet Navy actually intended to do in case of war. Changes in technology, notably in submarine propulsion, antisubmarine warfare (ASW), and ballistic missile range and accuracy were the real drivers of the Cold War in the Atlantic. Cruise missile-armed submarines that can attack shore-based economic infrastructure are the real threat from the Russian submarine force.     

From elite consumption to popular opinion: framing of the US drone program in Pakistani newspapers

The United States has conducted armed drone strikes in Pakistan since 2004. While there has been some recent work on Pakistani public opinion about drones, there is very little research on how Pakistan’s media characterize the US drone program. This is an important gap in understanding the determinants of Pakistani popular perceptions of this program. Decades of research has shown that “news framing”, a process by which certain aspects of a complex concept are emphasized in political communications with others played down, influences individual cognition while forming political opinions. In this essay, we address this lacuna by assembling an unprecedented sample of editorials about the drone program from three English newspapers and one Urdu newspaper and analyzing the news frames within them. We next compare the trends in these news frames to public opinion data collected by Pew between the spring of 2009 and 2014. Initially, most Pakistanis were unaware of the drone program, media coverage of the program expanded as drone strikes increased in frequency. While Pakistanis became more cognizant of the US drone strikes, even by 2014 large minorities remained unaware. Pakistani public opinion strongly reflected the top media frames, particularly those that are negative. This is an important finding suggesting that newspaper editorials are a good barometer of Pakistani opinions despite the fact that only information elites rely upon newspapers for political information.     

美陆军通用基金企业业务系统特点与启示

本文以美国陆军通用基金企业业务系统为研究对象,从后勤信息化建设发展历程、军费企业化管理特点和陆军财务转型重要举措三个方面介绍了该系统建设的有关背景,总结了与"军财工程"相比,通用基金企业业务系统存在的分配多个用户角色、实时共享数据和重视成本文化等多个突出特点,并提出与军队财务管理信息系统建设有关的六点启示,以期为推进军队财务信息化建设、提高军队财务信息化保障水平提供参考。     

美军核心维修能力研究

核心维修能力,是解决军队建制维修力量与地方维修力量如何结合、如何结合合理、如何结合才能取得最佳效果,成功推行军民一体化装备维修保障的瓶颈问题。从美军核心维修能力的研究背景着手,分析了核心维修能力研究的必然性和重要性,全面阐述了美军核心维修能力的内涵和现行判定方法,客观分析了美军核心维修能力研究中存在的一些不足,得出开展我军核心维修能力研究的重要启示。     

现代女性日记体小说的叙事与话语策略——以《莎菲女士的日记》为例

随着中国现代小说的兴起．女性声音也相应出现，在与男性一并参与宏大叙事的同时，女性叙事者也选用日记体小说这一私人性极强的体裁与话语形式，以突出男权强势话语的重围，建构起女性自我的权威。丁玲的《莎菲女士的日记》就是一个很好的例子。本文拟围绕《莎菲女士的日记》探讨“日记体小说”的叙事策略。     

Hiding Death: Contextualizing the Dover Ban

Following the terrorist attacks against the US in 2001, the Bush administration reaffirmed the Dover ban, the policy that prohibited press coverage of military coffins arriving at Dover Air Force Base from conflicts abroad. Conventional wisdom holds that the Bush administration enforced the ban in the hope of maintaining public support for the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. This understanding, though, is incomplete. If the Dover ban were enforced only in response to eroding public opinion, then other coalition states would have responded likewise to this shared incentive. I argue instead that maintaining public support is only one factor among many that led the US to uphold this policy. In addition to considering the influence of factors such as perceived media bias and casualty aversion, I focus on necropolitics and the related impetus for governments to regulate the observation of death. Through this interpretation, part of the American response to the involuntary loss of sovereignty on 9/11 was to exercise control over the observation of death by enforcing the Dover ban. Through comparing the press policies of the US, the UK, and Canada, I show that the necropolitical blow to sovereignty that only the US experienced triggered a repressive policy that only the US was able to maintain.     

理、情、意、行——思想政治工作的四要素

我国思想政治工作者在实践中总结出来的"晓之以理、动之以情、持之以恒、导之以行"的十六字方针,是对思想政治工作规律的反映,其中的"理"、"情"、"意"、"行"是做好思想政治工作的四个基本因素,它们在思想政治工作中起着各自不可替代的作用.