等值电路法列写线性网络的状态方程

本文介绍一种手算时用等值电路编写线性网络状态方程的方法。优点是不必列任何方程式,尤其是可以省略消去非状态变量的复杂计算过程。提出一种用检查“量纲”的办法,核对计算是否有误,以便及时纠正。     

微分方程解的稳定性与周期性

综合利用相空间理论、压缩映像原理、算子的性质以及Liapunov泛函的方法，研究了具有无限时滞中立型泛函微分方程周期解的存在性、唯一性及稳定性问题，得到新的结果，推广了已有的结果。     

一种基于AMDF和ACF的基音周期提取算法研究

文中提出一种基于短时平均幅度差分函数(AMDF)和短时自相关函数(ACF)的基音周期提取算法。首先,将每帧语音信号通过AMDF算法进行计算,然后把得到的AMDF数值再通过ACF算法进行计算,得出每帧信号的基音周期,最后运用动态平滑技术计算出最终语音信号的基音周期。通过仿真实现该算法,并同基于MAMDF和ACF的基音周期提取算法进行比较。     

Global counterinsurgency and US army expansion: the case for recruiting foreign troops

Given the nature of global counterinsurgency operations, the demands of military expansion, and the need for cultural, linguistic, and regional expertise, the United States Army should evaluate the establishment of US-led foreign troop units for its evolving force structure. This article proposes the creation of an American foreign legion based upon the recruitment of US-led, ethnically homogeneous tribal force units to meet the grist mill of counterinsurgency operations. This structured approach would be more beneficial than the current reliance on a de facto American Foreign Legion, represented by private military contractors (PMCs), many of them comprised of foreigners. These PMCs carry a number of oversight, accountability, and legal risks not found in a fully integrated, and US-officered foreign legion. The British Brigade of Gurkhas, the South-West African Police Counter-Insurgency Unit (Koevoet), and the Kit Carson Scouts serve as relevant historical examples where foreign troops were used to supplement national manpower resources.     

Russia and Strategic Conventional Weapons:

ABSTRACT

Russian political leaders and military strategists are growing increasingly concerned about “strategic conventional weapons”—a broad category that appears to include all non-nuclear, high-precision, standoff weapons—and about long-range, hypersonic weapons, in particular. These concerns are complex and multifaceted (and, in some cases, contradictory), but chief among them are the beliefs that strategic conventional weapons could prove decisive in a major conflict and that Russia is lagging behind in their development. US programs to develop and acquire such weapons—namely, the Conventional Prompt Global Strike program—are of great concern to Russian strategists, who argue both that the United States seeks such weapons for potential use against Russia—its nuclear forces, in particular—and because strategic conventional weapons are more “usable” than nuclear weapons. Asymmetric responses by Russia include increased reliance on tactical nuclear weapons, efforts to enhance the survivability of its nuclear forces, and investments in air and missile defenses. There is also strong—but not completely conclusive evidence—that Russia is responding symmetrically by attempting to develop a long-range, conventionally armed boost-glide weapon.     

Boost-glide Weapons and US-China Strategic Stability

ABSTRACT

The United States and China are testing boost-glide weapons, long-range strike systems capable of flying at Mach 5 or faster through the upper atmosphere. For the United States, these systems would provide a conventional prompt global strike capability, which, together with US ballistic missile defense programs, Chinese experts regard as a threat to China's ability to conduct nuclear retaliation. This perception is encouraging the Chinese military to modify its nuclear posture in ways that tend to create greater risks for both sides. If China's own boost-glide systems are meant to carry nuclear payloads only, their deployment would not fundamentally alter the current situation between the two states. However, if they were conventionally armed or dual-purpose, or if the United States could not determine the payloads they carried, the deployment of Chinese boost-glide systems could compound problems of strategic stability created by the introduction of ballistic missile defense, antisatellite, and antiship ballistic missile capabilities. If the technical hurdles can be overcome, it may be difficult for the two sides to refrain from these deployments in the absence of strong mutual trust or an established arms-control relationship. New confidence-building measures and expanded mutual transparency are warranted to avoid creating new dangers.     

Clash of counterterrorism-assistance-seeking states and their super power sponsors: Implications on the war against Boko Haram

ABSTRACT

Decade-long security cooperation and counterterrorism engagements in Nigeria have failed to bring down Boko Haram or at least weaken its terrorist structures and transnational spread. I argue that disconnects between counterterrorism-assistance seeking states and their superpower sponsors are implicated in the intractability of Boko Haram's insurgency in Nigeria. Why is the U.S. counterterrorism intervention to individual MNJTF countries (i.e. troop contribution, military funding and intelligence support) ‘lopsided’, ‘fragmented’ and ‘unevenly distributed;’ and how are these implicated in the fight against Boko Haram terrorism? This has impacted negatively on MNJTF countries – lack of cooperation, divisiveness and individualism in coordinating and forging offensives against Boko Haram. These concerns interface several blind spots in the picture of external influences on military’s approach to Boko Haram. I elicit primary data from top military officers. I conclude by predicting the implications and consequences of these counterterrorism complexities, and their potency to defeat or encourage Boko Haram terror.     

INTERNATIONAL SECURITY ON THE ROAD TO NUCLEAR ZERO

The disappointingly slow pace of progress on efforts to prevent proliferation, reduce nuclear weapons, and eliminate nuclear risks has many causes. The factor that might be easiest for individuals in the arms control and nonproliferation community to change stems from their own ambivalence about major questions that must be addressed on the road to reducing the number of nuclear weapons in the world to zero. This essay explores how ambivalence about four key issues—strategic stability, alliance relations, institution-building, and nuclear energy—often leads community members to take positions that play well at home and within their like-minded group but raise unintended impediments to achieving their own long-term goals. The author suggests alternative ways to handle these questions to improve the prospects for domestic and international agreement on practical measures that would eliminate, not perpetuate, nuclear risks.     

一种利用GPS载波相位姿态测量的方法

GPS初始整周模糊度的求解是利用载波相位进行测量时的关键问题.采用了对系数矩阵进行QR分解的方法,用以降低矩阵的维数.模糊度搜索时,针对Z变换可能会引入多余误差,采用了对称三角分解法对协方差矩阵进行去相关处理.实验与仿真结果表明,定位误差在0.5 cm以内,方位角和仰角误差在0.1°以内.     

块Toeplitz矩阵低复杂度求逆的卫星导航空时抗干扰算法

采样协方差矩阵求逆是空时抗干扰算法的基本运算单元,但由于其运算量随时域抽头个数急剧增长,直接限制了空时抗干扰技术在卫星导航接收机中的应用。针对该问题,提出了基于块Toeplitz矩阵快速求逆的空时抗干扰方法。通过采用新的协方差矩阵近似计算方法,使得该矩阵同时为块Toeplitz矩阵与Hermite矩阵,并运用块Toeplitz矩阵的快速求逆算法,将时域抽头个数为K的计算复杂度从O[K3]降至O[K2]。理论分析和仿真结果表明,在阵元数为4、时域抽头为15的典型情况下,相比现有矩阵求逆方法,该算法的抗干扰性能损耗小于1d B,但计算量可降低约2/3。