科氏流量计信号频率的变步长直接估计算法

研究科氏流量计频率估计方法对提高其测量精度具有重要意义.分析了变步长直接频率估计( VS-DFE)方法的原理,归纳出一种基于VS-DFE的科氏流量计信号频率估计算法,给出了算法基本思想、流程和实现步骤.分别针对两种常见流量状态下科氏流量计的固定频率信号和时变信号进行仿真分析,并与离散频谱校正法进行了比较.仿真结果表明,...     

论公安机关处置群体性事件的制度完善

目前,我国公安机关在处置群体性事件过程中,在警察权定位及适用权限判断上存在着警察权适用程序失准、绩效不足、角色失当、制度不完善等困境。应从明确公安机关的处置原则、角色定位、建立权力规制和权利救济制度、构建公安机关分级应对策略等方面加以完善。     

把握党的群众路线科学内涵需厘清的几个逻辑问题

当前,以“为民、务实、清廉”为主要内容的党的群众路线教育实践活动在全党全军深入开展,准确把握党的群众路线科学内涵,必须厘清党员干部要“相信谁”、“依靠谁”、“为了谁”和“我是谁”这四个逻辑问题,才能科学地指导教育实践活动深入开展,这既是确保活动取得良好成效的客观要求,也是新形势下丰富马克思主义党建学说的应有之义.     

FROM PROLIFERATION TO PEACE

Despite both regional and international efforts to establish a weapons of mass destruction–free zone (WMDFZ) in the Middle East, regional support beyond mere rhetoric seems unattainable. The lack of commitment to WMD disarmament results from the complexity of regional security dynamics, which are characterized by a high level of weaponization and crosscutting conflicts. This article examines a strategy for WMD disarmament in the Middle East. First, such a strategy must reflect the motives underlying a state's WMD aspirations. Security and prestige may be identified as two motives that affect the acquisition, and thus also the abandonment, of WMD. Second, Egypt, Iran, Israel, and Syria are important actors because their reasons for desiring WMD cannot be considered apart from each other, and progress will consequently depend on the inclusion of all these actors. In this regard, we recommend the establishment of a parallel process between efforts to establish a WMDFZ and peaceful relations in the Middle East. Solving central problems, like the lack of political determination and security cooperation, is vital to create consensus on the final framework of a zone. This study suggests a way forward by analyzing the central causes of conflict in the region and recommending ways to resolve them in order to establish a WMDFZ.     

ALL TOGETHER NOW

Banning Weapons of Mass Destruction, by Frederick N. Mattis. Praeger Security International, 2009. 129 pages, $39.95.     

COURTING THE GLOBAL SOUTH WITH “DUAL-BENEFIT” NONPROLIFERATION ENGAGEMENT

President Barack Obama and an array of other Western leaders continue to assert that the spread of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) to non-state actors is one of most pressing challenges to global security today. Yet, Western efforts to engage governments—particularly governments across the global South—in a practical nonproliferation dialogue have largely yielded disappointing results. This viewpoint examines the need for a new strategy to engage the developing world in nonproliferation programs. It argues that strategies focused strictly on WMD nonproliferation are unsustainable, and ultimately are destined for failure. An alternative “dual-benefit” nonproliferation engagement strategy utilizes the enlightened self-interest of partner governments needed to achieve broad-based buy-in among all partners. In a concluding section, we recommend that the “Group of 8” Global Partnership Against the Spread of Weapons and Materials of Mass Destruction standardize this model of nonproliferation engagement as it sets out to identify and fund WMD nonproliferation capacity-building initiatives beyond the states of the former Soviet Union.     

All Together Now? Questioning WMDs as a Useful Analytical Unit for Understanding Chemical and Biological Weapons Proliferation

ABSTRACT

The popular use of the term “weapons of mass destruction” (WMD) can be understood to imply a relationship between nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons proliferation insofar as it assumes that the separate weapons technologies can be usefully grouped into a single analytic category. This article explores whether WMD is actually a useful construct. It begins by reviewing the literature on nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons proliferation, including a recent study that sought to estimate the relationship between the pursuit and acquisition of these different weapons. It then explores some policy inferences that academics and policy makers may be tempted to draw from these studies, particularly regarding the Barack Obama administration's pursuit of deep nuclear reductions. It argues that many of these policy inferences are premature at best and misleading at worst. It concludes with a call for additional research into the causes and consequences of chemical and biological weapons proliferation, and a call for scholars to remain cautious in their desire to draw premature policy implications from their studies in order to be “policy relevant.”     

THE PROLIFERATION SECURITY INITIATIVE

The Asia-Pacific is emerging as a critical region in the fight against the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. The Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI) is an aggressive global strategy designed to interdict the transport of these weapons and associated technologies. However, some observers have suggested that the Asia-Pacific has given the PSI a less than enthusiastic reception. The authors posit a more sanguine view. They caution against taking such a holistic approach to the region. Asia does not speak with one voice when it comes to security, and opposition to the PSI is not as widespread nor deep-rooted as may have been anticipated. In addition, the PSI's informal structure encourages flexibility, enabling states to participate in certain activities while eschewing others that may be technically or politically untenable.     

变质心再入飞行器自抗扰控制器设计(英文)

再入飞行器采用变质心控制不但可以保持较好的气动外形,还町以增大机动能力,但变质心控制较强的非线性和耦合性大大增加了控制系统设计难度,使控制器设计和实施的代价较高。针对这一问题,基于自抗扰控制技术,设计了变质心再入飞行器双通道解耦控制器。通过构造连续光滑扩张状态观测器,不加区分飞行器的各类干扰与耦合,对其统一进行估计:利用非线性状态反馈控制律,并自适应调节控制参数对其进行补偿,实现对飞行器姿态的解耦控制。仿真结果表明:该方法大大降低了对系统模型精度的要求与控制器设计实施代价,对变质心再入飞行器非线性、耦合性以及参数摄动具有较强的鲁棒性。     

带有大质量刚体圆锥壳的自由振动分析

本文针对壳体带有大质量刚体的特点,用有限元离散方法,导出了在不同周向波数下壳元节圆位移与刚体质心位移及转角之间的关系式,并将结果与实际运动进行对比分析,论证了结论的正确性。为带有大质量刚体的壳体结构的动力分析提供了理论依据。