群死群伤恶性火灾的特点及预防

结合重特大恶性火灾案例,分析近年来国内发生群死群伤重特大恶性火灾爆炸事故的特点及原因,在总结以往事故经验教训的基础上提出遏制群死群伤恶性火灾的对策,并提出几点看法.     

基于Simulink的质点外弹道模型仿真

介绍了基于Simulink的质点外道模型的设计与仿真方法。首先给出了地面直角坐标系下的弹丸质心运动方程组,然后介绍如何采用Simulink建立系统的仿真模型并进行仿真计算。仿真方法具有模型设计过程简单、修改容易和结果直观等特点,可以应用到刚体弹道、火箭弹道及控制弹道等模型的仿真。     

二维抛板极限速度的相似性与古尼公式的采用

本文分析影响被炸药驱动下抛板极限速度的重要因素,讨论了一些经验公式的适用范围;提出了根据二维抛板的数值计算得到的两个重要规律:①在炸药与抛板的质量比相同的情况下,抛板的极限速度之间具有一定的相似关系;②修正的古尼公式可用来计算二维抛板的极限速度。     

谈公安边防部队处置边境地区暴（骚）乱事件中的组织指挥

针对当前边境地区日趋复杂的暴（骚）乱事件的特点,就公安边防部队处置边境暴（骚）乱事件的有效方式、组织指挥进行研究探讨,提出建立警民一体联合指挥机构、运用信息手段、正确运用战法等相应对策。     

The rise and fall of counterproliferation policy

The US government initiated a Defense Counterproliferation Initiative to address the concern that, in the post-Cold War years, the proliferation of nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons would be widespread and create a significant challenge to the US military’s combat operations. In particular, non-nuclear states might use chemical or biological warfare agents against US forces with the belief that nuclear weapons would not be used against them in retaliation. Following the events of September 11, 2001, defense strategy and policy shifted to a wider view of the threat of adversarial use of “weapons of mass destruction” (WMD) and the term “counterproliferation” was replaced by “combating” or “countering WMD.” Over time, the Defense Department increasingly moved away from counterproliferation principles with the detrimental effect of losing capabilities that US forces still need for contemporary adversaries. This shift has been aggravated by other US government agencies’ use of “counterproliferation” in lieu of what would have been termed “nonproliferation” activities in the 1990s. The loss of clarity within the US government on these terms has led to the inability to focus the “whole of government” on this significant national security challenge. To alleviate this challenge, the US government needs a top-down initiative to refocus policy on the distinctly different aspects of WMD with respect to military combat operations, combating terrorism, and homeland security.     

浅析邓小平处置群体性事件的思想方法

改革开放初期,随着人民群众利益关系调整和思想观念转变,一些地方相继发生了学生请愿游行、群众械斗、聚众冲击党政机关等群体性事件。邓小平同志从处理改革发展稳定的关系入手,形成了“冷静分析形势、端正处置态度、积极化解矛盾”等处置群体性事件的正确思想和方法,展现出高超的政治智慧。这些思想方法,对现阶段武警部队履行维护国家安全和社会稳定、保障人民安居乐业的职能使命具有很强的指导意义。     

低功率霍尔推力器阳极供气环工程设计关键参数仿真

为了提高低功率霍尔推力器放电通道内中性原子分布均匀性,采用有限元方法对阳极供气环关键结构参数进行优化研究。针对双腔式阳极供气环结构,重点分析了缓冲腔容积比以及缓冲腔隔板导流小孔数量等关键参数对阳极供气均匀性的影响。研究结果表明:随着缓冲腔容积比的增大,阳极供气环出气孔差异率先快速减小后趋于稳定,其中当容积率k=1.0时,平均差异率和最大差异率分别为1.77%和3.79%;隔板间导流小孔数量从8增加到14时,出气孔差异率呈现浴盆曲线特性,其中导流孔数量为10时,平均差异率和最大差异率分别为1.8%和3.8%。研究结果可为霍尔推力器阳极供气环工程设计提供理论支撑。     

罐底渗漏的罐基油气质量分数探测法识别

油罐是油品储运的重要设备,罐底最易出现穿孔渗漏油现象,致使罐基内部油气质量分数高于正常值。以油库中柴油覆土罐群为例,研究并试验了根据罐基油气质量分数识别罐底渗漏的方法：分析罐基探漏孔位置分布并钻孔;多次探测罐基油气质量分数,根据探测数据识别各罐有无底部渗漏;为了便于以后检测油库时识别各罐有无渗漏,为各罐建立状态监测表,并将无渗漏的罐基油气质量分数最高值暂定为该类罐的安全值,低于该安全值的油罐可直接判定为无渗漏。实践结果证明,这种不开罐检测罐底渗漏油的方法可及时发现故障并采取措施,对储油安全具有重要意义。     

From stopping to preventing atrocities

The Constitutive Act of the African Union (AU) provides for the right of the continental body to intervene in the face of war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity. According to its formulation, Article 4(h) intervention entails military force, which is triggered when a target state fails to discharge its duty to protect its population from mass atrocities. Although Article 4(h) is an ambitious statutory commitment to intervene in a member state by the AU, the Libyan crisis in 2011 showed the ambivalence of the continental institution to act in a decisive and timely manner. The AU's failure to invoke Article 4(h) exposed the need for building the capacity and political will to intervene and to interpret Article 4(h). Therefore, the primary focus of this article is on how Article 4(h) should be interpreted. Flowing from the Pretoria Principles, which seek to provide clarity on the implementation of the AU's right of intervention, Article 4(h) should be viewed as a duty rather than a right to prevent or stop mass atrocities. The duty dimension of Article 4(h) derives from the international instruments that AU member states have ratified to prevent mass atrocities. Rather than being a paper tiger, Article 4(h) should be used in a proactive and timely manner as a military option available to the AU to persuade member states to prevent or halt atrocities. As a last resort, military force pursuant to Article 4(h) should aim at protecting the population at risk and pursuing the perpetrators in order to avoid contravening Article 2(4) of the Charter of the United Nations (UN). Although military intervention can save lives in the short term, it cannot necessarily address the underlying, structural causes of atrocities, such as ethnic rivalries, economic inequalities and scramble for natural resources, among others. Therefore, the prevention of mass atrocities should not be equated with, or be seen through the prism of, Article 4(h) intervention alone. The focus should instead be on the entire spectrum of preventive strategies at the disposal of the AU in the face of mass atrocities, including the African human rights system and the African Peer Review Mechanism.     

THE ACRS EXPERIENCE AND ITS RELEVANCE TO THE WMDFZ CONFERENCE

This article examines the arms control logic that was applied to the only regional arms control talks that have taken place in the Middle East to date: the Arms Control and Regional Security (ACRS) working group that was part of the multilateral track of the Madrid peace process in the early 1990s. It highlights both the successes and major constraints of the ACRS talks in an effort to assess what might be relevant to the weapons of mass destruction-free zone conference proposed for later this year. In addition to the basic arms control dilemmas that will continue to challenge this conference—as they did ACRS—the article suggests that current conditions in the Middle East are even less conducive to regional dialogue than they were in the earlier period, due to the internal upheavals in several key Arab states, and the specific challenge of Iran's move to develop a military nuclear capability.