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21.
高校中国现当代文学教学模式研究   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
为适应社会发展与人才需求,高校中国现当代文学课程必须从单一、僵化的、传统式教学模式向研究式、实践应用、刺激动机、学习指导、考核评价等教学模式转变,以利创新精神与创新理念人才的培养。  相似文献   
22.
中国人民武装警察部队是我国重要的武装力量和社会治安维护力量 ,是我国警察体系中的第二大警种。但是 ,在我国目前的各种警察理论研究中对武警部队研究的很少。这种状况不适应武警部队建设和发展的需要 ,迫切需要建立武装警察理论。武装警察理论是警察学理论体系的分支 ,是由武装警察职能职责研究、管理体制研究、比较研究、警种设置理论等几部分组成的有机整体。武装警察理论的建立必将对我国的武装警察建设产生极大的促进作用。  相似文献   
23.
审计监督工作在促进公安现役部队党委科学民主规范经济决策管理方面发挥着不可替代的作用,它特有的监督与服务、评价与鉴证职能决定了在部队规范化建设中的地位和作用。从帮助有关人员完善自我、提高履职能力水平,帮助被审计单位建章立制、规范管理等层面,诠释了审计监督工作在部队建设中的促进、服务、制约、保证作用。  相似文献   
24.
随着近年来社会经济、政治、文化的飞速发展,我国的执法环境发生了深刻变化,从而使公安边防部队的执法工作面临着许多新的挑战。提出从提高执法主体法律素质、完善执法制度、改进执法方式、落实执法监督机制四个方面着手,推动公安边防部队执法规范化建设有序开展。  相似文献   
25.
大型活动的性质、规模、级别、观众数量、周边的道路交通状况以及治安情况等因素,都影响着大型活动举行期间的道路交通和安全保卫任务。通过对大型活动观众出行分布预测方法的研究,结合实例得到大型活动观众出行分布情况,同时分析其对武警部队部署执勤警力的影响,为安保工作提供预案决策支持。  相似文献   
26.
武警政治工作现代化,既是建设现代化武警的重要内容,也是适应建设现代化武警提出的新要求。武警政治工作现代化主要包括:主体、内容、方法、机制、理论、观念等方面。针对上述六个要素,提出武警政治工作现代化建设的主要思路。  相似文献   
27.
以孔子、孟子、荀子为代表的先秦儒家的荣辱观,以“仁”为基础、以“义”为标准,闪耀着真理性的理论光芒。“八荣八耻”社会主义荣辱观,作为构建和谐社会的道德支撑,体现的就是先秦儒家荣辱观和当今时代精神的完美结合。  相似文献   
28.
军警动作技能是军警部队官兵所必备的素质之一,也是其具备野外作战能力的基础。但是,有些身体素质良好的军警人员,掌握和发挥动作技能的水平却很低。在教学中要从全新的角度对军警人员获得动作技能的过程进行认知分析,以促进认知结构与动作技能的形成。  相似文献   
29.
I am afraid there is clear evidence that acts of gross misconduct have taken place. This is a shameful thing for the United Nations to have to say, and I am absolutely outraged by it.

—Kofi Annan, United Nations Secretary-General

Despite promulgating a comprehensive set of guidelines to deter UN personnel from committing acts of sexual misconduct, allegations of sexual exploitation and abuse have become widespread within United Nations peacekeeping missions. The policy of zero-tolerance for peacekeeper misconduct has not been matched by strong disciplinary measures, and crimes are often ignored and rarely punished: absentee fathers, rapists and murderers simply disappear back in their home countries. In countries where women and children rarely have the same economic resources, political rights and authority or control over their environment—or their bodies—they easily become prey for those in perceived positions of power and authority. By failing to hold those responsible to account, the UN may in fact be fuelling even greater discrimination and violence against women and children. In order to ensure those who are mandated to protect to do not become perpetrators of abuse, the UN must take a stronger stand against those who commit acts of sexual misconduct, and must ensure that victims see that their abuser is brought to justice and that reparation is offered. A recent report submitted by the Secretary-General's Special Envoy on Sexual Exploitation and Sexual Abuse makes a comprehensive set of recommendations to prevent, detect, and respond to these allegations. The aim of this essay is to highlight some of the main points of the Special Envoy's report, and to examine the practical challenges the UN and troop/police contributing countries will face when attempting to implement these recommendations.  相似文献   
30.
Abstract

From the 1982 Maitatsine Uprising to the 2009 Kala Kato Riot, Nigeria has been bedevilled by ethno-religious uprisings with devastating human and material losses. In almost all these crises the police and the military have featured prominently as agencies tasked with the responsibility of maintaining law and order and suppressing insurrection. While it was not alleged that they precipitated some of these risings perhaps in their attempts to stem or nip them in the bud, they have been accused of escalating the conflict either by their slow and inadequate responses, their partisanship and their arbitrary responses, or by their slackness in managing the crises and their aftermath. However, but for their efforts the security basis of the Nigerian state would have been considerably compromised by religious fundamentalism given the level of preparedness of the groups involved, their resistance and, more importantly, the recurrent nature of the uprisings. This article reflects on the management of ethno-religious uprisings in Nigeria by the police and the military. It considers the nature of the security agencies' involvement in the crises and examines the factors both within the agencies and in the larger Nigerian society which have aided or hindered their effective management of the conflicts.  相似文献   
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