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Mark A. Boyer 《Defence and Peace Economics》2013,24(3):243-259
The original Olson and Zeckhauser model of alliance burden‐sharing was based on the following four assumptions: (1) alliance defence is a pure public good; (2) allied nations make their security contribution decisions without consulting the other allies; (3) alliances produce only a single public good; and (4) alliance defence is produced with equal degrees of efficiency in all alliance nations. But while the first of these assumptions has received a great deal of attention in the alliance literature, the remaining ones have received comparatively less attention, particularly in terms of empirical analyses. This paper synthesizes a varied literature developed around these four assumptions, both substantively and theoretically, and shows that when these assumptions are brought closer to real world approximations, hypotheses regarding the potential for security cooperation with less free‐riding result. This article also provides a simple test of Western alliance burden‐sharing in the areas of military spending, development resources spending, and research and development spending that supports the hypothesis positing more equitable burden‐sharing. 相似文献
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Martin Schönteich 《African Security Review》2013,22(2):39-51
After only ten years in existence, the African Union (AU) has already made its mark on the landscape of peace and security in Africa. This paper seeks to explore the relationship between the AU's leading collaborative interstate security policy, the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), and sustainable peace in the Horn of Africa. It examines four countries – Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, and Kenya – and how engaging with the APSA through early warning systems can contribute to developing the elements necessary for sustainable peace, namely regional stability, conflict management, and good governance. 相似文献
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Jeffrey S. Lantis 《The Nonproliferation Review》2014,21(1):21-41
The number of bilateral nuclear cooperation agreements surged during the “nuclear renaissance” of the past decade. This proliferation is only partially explained by the prevailing approaches that focus on strategic imperatives. To supplement these explanations, this study draws on neoliberal models of economic competition to posit that bilateral agreement negotiations also exhibit conditions of “uncoordinated interdependence” and maneuvering to gain market share. Case evidence suggests the contours of supplier state bids for civilian assistance are determined at least as much by considerations about economic competition as they are by positive strategic goals. In addition, this study identifies several cases of cooperation where there appears to be little or no strategic motive for export agreements. The study concludes that patterns of economic competition and the influence of peers in defined competitive spaces alter material payoffs and impact policies. It also identifies a surprising role for principled restraint in dampening strategic and economic competition in some dyads. 相似文献
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Some U.S. military leaders have asserted that the United States, Japan, Australia, and India and the Republic of Korea are developing multilateral defense cooperation to deter aggression and uphold norms much like North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) has in Europe. Frequent military exercises and China’s threats to freedom of navigation (FoN) and North Korea’s nuclear missiles comprise the motive force for such cooperation. However, cooperation thus far has been trilateral and minimal, given divergent national interests and dispersed geopolitical locations. Cooperation among Japan, Republic of Korea (ROK), and the United States is increasing given the threat, but ROK’s public opinion is divided about Japan. Australia, Japan, and India have increased cooperation with the United States but are reluctant to conduct FoN operations with the United States to challenge China’s expansionism in the South China Sea. If China becomes more aggressive and blocks FoN or seizes territory, development toward an Asian NATO is possible. 相似文献
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The Anglo-American military relationship is a vital yet neglected area of study. This article argues that the British military have actively cultivated a relationship with the U.S. military that has contributed to the longevity of the broader so-called “Special Relationship,” even in the Trump era. The article contends that the complexities of the military relationship can best be captured by the theoretical lens provided by Lowndes and Roberts that combines different strands of institutionalism to focus on rules, practices, and narratives. The intense linkages between the United States and United Kingdom have become routinized, enabling them to adapt their peacetime cooperation to conflicts, and thereby address post-Cold War security challenges. The article draws upon semi-structured interviews with senior British military officers as well as policy documents to explore how these patterns of collaboration have become ingrained in patterns of both thinking and behavior. 相似文献
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钱晋军 《中国人民武装警察部队学院学报》2007,23(9):29-31
研究维和警察防暴队战术协同的特点、原则和方法,一方面可以丰富维和警察防暴队教学的基础理论,另一方面也可为维和警察防暴队在任务区执行任务提供理论支持。 相似文献
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本文提出结合组织学理论研究多主体系统( M A Ss)建模的一种方法。文章从宏观到微观,在整体组织、个体和并发行为等不同抽象层次上论述了分析与设计多主体系统的建模方法,并详细介绍了用于多主体系统设计的系统组织模型、主体概念模型和分布式协作求解模型三个抽象模型的主要研究内容。 相似文献
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基于改进ACO算法的多UAV协同航路规划 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
针对无人机(Unmanned Aerial Vehicle,UAV)在执行任务过程中遇到的诸如敌方防空火力、地形障碍及恶略天气等各类威胁源,采用威胁源概率分布的方法进行威胁的量化处理,构建任务空间的威胁概率密度分布图,有效消除了威胁源的差异性。根据UAV在任务飞行过程中的性能约束与时、空协同约束,同时考虑任务过程中UAV的损毁概率最小、任务航程最短,构建了相应的综合任务航路代价最优化目标函数。结合传统蚁群优化算法(Ant Colony Optimization,ACO)在解决此类问题中的不足,给出了相应的改进策略,提出采用协同多种群ACO进化策略来实现多UAV在满足时、空协同约束下的协同航路规划。通过相应的仿真计算表明,改进后的ACO协同多种群进化策略算法更适用于多UAV协同任务航路规划问题,具有一定的实用性。从而为多UAV协同任务航路规划问题的求解提供了科学的决策依据。 相似文献