全文获取类型
| 收费全文 | 594篇 |
| 免费 | 6篇 |
| 国内免费 | 5篇 |
专业分类
| 605篇 |
出版年
| 2025年 | 3篇 |
| 2024年 | 1篇 |
| 2023年 | 7篇 |
| 2022年 | 3篇 |
| 2021年 | 11篇 |
| 2020年 | 15篇 |
| 2019年 | 22篇 |
| 2018年 | 28篇 |
| 2017年 | 37篇 |
| 2016年 | 30篇 |
| 2015年 | 21篇 |
| 2014年 | 34篇 |
| 2013年 | 87篇 |
| 2012年 | 38篇 |
| 2011年 | 33篇 |
| 2010年 | 19篇 |
| 2009年 | 23篇 |
| 2008年 | 19篇 |
| 2007年 | 29篇 |
| 2006年 | 44篇 |
| 2005年 | 34篇 |
| 2004年 | 21篇 |
| 2003年 | 12篇 |
| 2002年 | 4篇 |
| 2001年 | 12篇 |
| 2000年 | 6篇 |
| 1999年 | 6篇 |
| 1998年 | 1篇 |
| 1997年 | 1篇 |
| 1994年 | 2篇 |
| 1993年 | 2篇 |
排序方式： 共有605条查询结果，搜索用时 15 毫秒
561.
Darrell Driver 《Defense & Security Analysis》2016,32(1):4-18
The US role in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) Alliance is a 65-year history of retrenchment and renewal. When Washington has sought a retrenchment from the world, it traditionally increased burden sharing pressure on Europe to do more. During times of increased global ambition, the USA reaffirmed its traditional leadership role in the Alliance and its commitment to NATO effectiveness and relevance. This cycle of NATO retrenchment and renewal, however, is halting. Though the USA will continue to go through periods of relative increases and decreases in security policy ambition, signs point to a permanent defense and security retrenchment in Europe. Germany is the ally singularly capable of filling the resulting security gap. If NATO is to avoid the drift toward irrelevance many critics have predicted, Germany will need to cast off old inhibitions toward security and defense leadership. These trends and their implications for NATO's future are explored through historical case studies and the shifting contemporary security environment. 相似文献
562.
Mikkel Vedby Rasmussen 《Defence Studies》2016,16(4):374-389
Taking its point of departure in Donald Rumsfeld’s second term as US Secretary of Defense (2001–2006), this article analyses the crisis of strategic leadership in Western national security. Three “traps” are identified that explain why Donald Rumsfeld ultimately was a failure as defence secretary and demonstrate the perils of national security governance. These traps are termed the inquisitor trap, the strong leader trap and the delegation trap. It is argued that our understanding of strategic leadership in national security, particularly in defence, can benefit from insights gained from the study of strategic leadership in business. As such, this article engages the recent trend of merging insights from business and military strategy. 相似文献
563.
After 15 years of war in Afghanistan and Iraq, many now see ‘small-footprint’ security force assistance (SFA) – training, advising and equipping allied militaries – as an alternative to large US ground-force commitments. Yet, its actual military efficacy has been little studied. This paper seeks to fill this gap. We find important limitations on SFA’s military utility, stemming from agency problems arising from systematic interest misalignment between the US and its typical partners. SFA’s achievable upper bound is modest and attainable only if US policy is intrusive and conditional, which it rarely is. For SFA, small footprints will usually mean small payoffs. 相似文献
564.
Jahara Matisek 《Defense & Security Analysis》2018,34(3):267-290
ABSTRACTThe United States has provided substantial amounts of military assistance and aid since the end of World War Two. During the Cold War, it proved vital in protecting numerous regimes from communist takeovers. Successful outcomes occurred when American leaders made large initial aid commitments, and the states had the capacity and political willpower to use it effectively. However, Vietnam was an example of how U.S. support lagged, as leaders in Saigon preferred political survival instead of creating regime legitimacy. Following 9/11, American security aid focused on making weak countries develop stronger security forces. Unfortunately, this created Fabergé egg militaries: expensive and easily broken by insurgents. This article suggests long-term strategic commitments need to be made alongside more resources for the American State Department and similar organizations to focus on the politics of state-building. Finally, this article suggests strategies, such as “whole-of-government” approaches, to improve long-term security and political institution building. 相似文献
565.
Olivier Chopin 《战略研究杂志》2017,40(4):532-553
ABSTRACTThis article argues that the intelligence sector is a privileged vantage point to observe and analyse a transformation of the State in France, as this transformation deeply affects the heart of the executive power and the French intelligence and security apparatus. Traditionally, intelligence was not conceived in France as a functional tool in the hands of the decision-maker but was rather defined as a ‘regalian power’. Intelligence activities were derived from a very specific conception of the State, and especially the particular notion of ‘reason of State’ (raison d’État). The current intelligence reform prompts speculation as to whether it represents more than a ‘simple’ functional reorganisation or in fact could signify that intelligence is now recognised as a tool in the hands of a ‘État de droit’ (‘liberal state’). The idea of a French ‘exceptionalism’ is addressed through a theoretical approach of the way France redefines intelligence and surveillance in relation with a major evolution of the notion of ‘reason of State’ itself. Then the article illustrates the assumption of a ‘lost tradition’ of reason of State through an analysis of the current reform of the intelligence sector in France. This reform is based on processes of rationalisation, centralization, modernisation and normalisation of both intelligence activities and intelligence services in France. As a conclusion, the article addresses the reactions to the January and November 2015 terrorist attacks in Paris, and asks whether resilience towards terrorism requires to accelerate the pace of the transformation of the French intelligence sector. 相似文献
566.
国防科技评价是国家科技评价的组成部分,是国防科技管理的重要内容,是构建军民融合创新体系的内在要求。分析了国防科技评价的基本内涵,阐述了构建国防科技评价体系的总体设想,提出了改革国防科技评价制度的几点思考。研究认为,改革国防科技评价制度,完善国防科技评价体,要加强国防科技评价理论研究,重视国防科技评价机构建设,充分发挥第三方评价的作用,建立多元化的国防科技评价体系,完善国防科技专家选择机制,建立健全国防科技评价指标,加快国防科技评价人才培养,优化国防科技评价环境建设。 相似文献
567.
Roger Handberg 《Defense & Security Analysis》2015,31(1):44-57
Ballistic missile defense (BMD) politics present an interesting evolution in how the USA, especially Congress, has come to think about BMD both as operational reality and as a symbolic policy. The argument here is that BMD's operational reality is increasingly overshadowed by its symbolic aspects. Such a status arose from rapidly changing international and domestic politics. The end result is a situation in which BMD policy in a sense floats above the question of its actual combat effectiveness. Its primary mission in part is sustaining US capacity to remain a global power and support its allies. 相似文献
568.
俄罗斯按照建设航天力量的需求,积极研究现代空天防御教学技术设备。俄罗斯空天防御教学训练设备可帮助受训者利用所获得的知识与能力,在准备和完成实践任务时在不同系统设备间实现不同级别的综合协同,将实现结构和软件的模块化。俄航天兵使用空天防御教学训练设备的经验对军队空天防御专业人员训练具有重要的借鉴意义。本文分析了俄罗斯空天防御教学训练设备现状,研究了朱可夫空天防御军事学院一体化空天防御自动化控制系统教学试验模型的构成、原理、作用和应用,总结了俄罗斯空天防御教学训练设备在国家标准、教学法、工效学和组织方面存在的主要问题及解决办法,以期为军队空天防御教学训练设备发展提供参考。 相似文献
569.
570.