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71.
介绍了根据国军标要求建立的科研质量管理系统.运用“过程方法”,对现行科研体制下的科研进程进行了识别,并提出了具体的控制要求。 相似文献
72.
基于遗传算法的弹炮混编防空群火力分配 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
近期局部战争中的防空作战经验表明:实施弹炮混编可以大大提高防空武器系统的作战效能,而如何实施有效的火力分配又是其中的一个重要环节.针对陆军弹炮混编防空群射击指挥中的火力分配问题,简要分析了防空导弹和高炮武器系统射击的不同特点,提出了弹炮混编防空群的火力分配方法,并建立了优化火力分配方案的数学模型.在此基础上,采用遗传算法对此模型求解.结果表明,遗传算法为弹炮混编防空群的火力优化分配问题提供了一条有效途径. 相似文献
73.
74.
当今是民族个性张扬的时代,极端民族主义、恐怖主义和民族分裂主义是其外在表现形式,这是一种异化的民族认同,不利于各民族国家内部各民族对该国的国家认同和国家安全。应该以公民权为本位来构建民族认同,进而形成整体的国家认同;以保障公民生存权平等为契机,构建现实意义上的国家认同;以维护各民族人民的根本利益为核心,化民族主义为爱国主义;以保证各民族的和睦发展为目标,整体提高国家构建新时期和谐社会的能力。 相似文献
75.
Jacques Fontanel 《Defence and Peace Economics》2013,24(2):135-147
The evolutions of military expenditures in Eastern and Central European countries are difficult to estimate and to compare, due to the lack of available data for these states. Some results of the extent of cuts in defence spending since 1990 are interesting to interpret, but it is difficult for econometricians to use these figures even carefully. The structures of national military expenditure have been modified to the detriment of arms equipment. Thus, the disarmament process needs a special analysis of the arms industry. 相似文献
76.
Yoad Shefi 《Defence and Peace Economics》2013,24(6):427-448
This paper models the interactions between the defense industry market structure and the defense needs of Israel, the USA and Western Europe, which produce several heterogeneous defense goods. The model specifies that the defense industries of the US and Europe are ‘large’ while that of Israel is ‘small’. The US military aid to Israel is also an integral part of the model. The results show that net defense costs of Israel are minimal when the number of its defense firms is one. The model predicts that an increase in US military aid reduces Israel’s government expenditure, its defense industry’s profits and its net defense costs. 相似文献
77.
Philip G. Pugh 《Defence and Peace Economics》2013,24(1):25-37
This paper, intended to stimulate debate, suggests that we are at a turning point in the history of the UK military aerospace industry. It argues that there is urgent need for a fresh vision as to how the UK military aerospace industry can both prosper and make its maximum contribution to the defence of Britain. Further, the resulting plans and policies must emphasise the robustness of defence capabilities in a future in which the only thing we can be certain is that it will be very different from the present – especially whenever defence most matters. 相似文献
78.
Karen Winzoski 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(2):331-347
Between the 1960s and the 1990s, the US chemical industry went from lobbying against the Geneva Protocol and promoting increased funding for chemical warfare to refusing to produce binary chemical weapons and assisting with the negotiations of the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC)—even though the treaty included provisions that could be costly to industry. What happened in those thirty years to make the US chemical industry reverse its position on chemical weapons? This article argues these changes were largely caused by the chemical industry's desire to reform the negative public image it had acquired due to its involvement in the Agent Orange scandal and other high-profile incidents during the 1970s and 1980s. The chemical industry's assistance with CWC negotiations may be explained after an examination of the US public policy literature, which argues that industry will support apparently costly regulations if doing so helps it repair a damaged public image and ensures greater profits in the long run. 相似文献
79.
Jordi Molas‐Gallart 《Defence and Peace Economics》2013,24(3):267-306
From the early 1980s Spain embarked on a wide‐ranging process of military reform, from organisational changes to defence industrial policies. Investment in military equipment was set to grow, policies were drawn up to foster the domestic defence industrial base, defence R&D rocketed, and Spain joined a myriad of international arms development programmes. Yet, by 1991 the process of reform had run out of steam. Expenditure planning proved unreliable, and firms suffered from sharp cutbacks in procurement expenditure. The model of defence industrial growth sketched in the mid‐1980s had floundered. The Spanish case provides an example of how the quest to maximise defence procurement from domestic sources can fall victim to industrial and budgetary constraints. Spanish defence producers are now becoming increasingly intertwined with foreign defence companies. 相似文献
80.
This paper models the interactions between the defense needs of the USA and Western Europe, which produce several heterogeneous defense goods, and the defense industry market structure. The results show that net defense costs of the USA and Europe are lower when the number of defense firms in each arms‐producing country is small and when the world prices of the defense goods are high. The model predicts that the increase in world prices will crowd‐out countries in the developing world from the market for modern weapon systems and may force them to develop and use ‘cheap and dirty’ weapon systems. 相似文献