A Proliferation of Royal Air Forces

Australia's interest in nuclear weapons in the 1950s and 60s is usually explained in terms of high politics and grand strategy. This proliferation case study explores, in greater detail than hitherto, the important part played by the Royal Australian Air Force (RAAF) in pressing for a nuclear capability. It seeks to understand the reasons behind the RAAF's lobbying, in particular its previous experience with air power, its visceral desire for advanced manned bomber aircraft, and its strong institutional link to the British Royal Air Force. The decision in 1963 to acquire the supersonic US F-111 strike aircraft, instead of rivals including the British TSR.2, is also considered. Once the RAAF's bomber ambitions were satisfied, interest in nuclear weapons was greatly reduced. Finally, some comments are included on the nuclear interests of other air forces in the British Commonwealth.     

Is the Indian Nuclear Tiger Changing Its Stripes?

Sixteen years after stepping out of the nuclear closet, India's nuclear posture, some of its operational practices, and hardware developments are beginning to mimic those of the original five nuclear weapon states. Several proliferation scholars in the United States contend that India's national security managers are poised to repeat the worst mistakes of the superpowers’ Cold War nuclear competition, with negative consequences for deterrence, crisis, and stability in South Asia and the Asia-Pacific region. This article takes a contrarian view. It dissects the best available data to show why the alarmist view is overstated. It argues that not only are the alarmists’ claims unsupported by evidence, their interpretation of the skeletal and often contradictory data threatens to construct the very threat they prophesize.     

船用堆核事故状态下源项特性及计算方法研究

对船用堆核事故状态下的源项特性进行了描述,并对源项估算的数学模型和计算方法进行了研究和探讨;提出了快速估算法,进行了比对计算;在计算过程中对一些不确定参数用核电站的值代替,并采取适当的缩放,简化了计算过程.计算结果表明这样处理是可靠的.     

核电磁脉冲模拟器的电场特性及等离子体阵列的防护性能

强电磁脉冲通过电子设备表面耦合进入内部将产生显著的破坏作用,而等离子体作为一种特殊的电磁介质,具有屏蔽强电磁脉冲的能力,因此基于等离子体的强电磁脉冲防护研究具有重要意义。利用CST软件仿真分析了核电磁脉冲模拟器工作空间的电场分布。进行了核电磁脉冲对单片机的干扰和破坏效应辐照研究,得到了其对MF-51-1型单片机的干扰和破坏阈值分别在10 kV/m和18 kV/m左右。实验研究了单层等离子体阵列对核电磁脉冲的防护性能,能量衰减均在10 dB以上。实验结果表明,等离子体具有强电磁脉冲防护的能力。     

“Flectas non frangas”: revisiting early twenty-first century UK–US defense relations (2000–2005) after five years

Adopting the analytical framework of the established interpretive “schools” of Anglo-American relations, this article offers several reflections on UK–US defense relations as they occurred over the significant years of 2000–2005. During those years, trajectories were established on which UK–US defense relations continue to travel today and outcomes emerged which are still being navigated. This article concludes that the Latin phrase, “Flectas Non Frangas” (essentially translated as: “Bend not Break”), is the most appropriate to adopt to characterize the developments undergone in recent UK–US defense relations. Many historical and strategic lessons with contemporary relevance are drawn.     

美军2021财年核电磁脉冲领域国防预算概况与简析

本文基于美国国防部机构、海军、空军和天军2021财年的国防预算文件,梳理出与核电磁脉冲科研活动相关的12个课题,并通过统计对比,提炼出美军核电磁脉冲科研活动的主要内容及关注点。统计结果显示,这些课题均属于"研究、开发、试验与鉴定"范畴,涉及国防科研预算8个子类中的6个,预算总金额为5.28亿美元。总体而言,美军2021财年核电磁脉冲领域的国防预算涉及的研究内容主要可分为三大类:导弹防御与核武器等系统的核电磁脉冲加固防护;武器装备与系统高空电磁脉冲生存能力测试与评估;辐射与核威胁探测与材料研发。美军核电磁脉冲研究活动表现出4个特点:核电磁脉冲领域投资紧贴最新美军战略目标与要求;传统核电磁脉冲研究项目持续跟进,弥补能力不足;预算适时根据武器装备发展阶段进行调整;核电磁脉冲研究经费相对较少,但仍具重要性。     

Goodbye to all that? Institutionalist theory,U.S. alliances,and Donald Trump

In an important and stimulating article, Stephan Frühling and Andrew O’Neil argue in favor of applying institutionalist theory to understand the alliance politics of U.S. nuclear weapons strategy. But what promise does institutionalist theory really hold in thinking about highly unequal alliances nested in their particular threat environments? I argue that much work remains to be done to determine how much better institutionalist variables explain intra-alliance dynamics over alternative arguments that emphasize power and interests. Balances of power and the nature of threat environments may already account for key aspects of extended deterrent relationships supported by the United States in Europe and Asia. Ironically, the implication of this more traditional interpretation of alliances is that more continuity than change will characterize how Donald Trump will manage U.S. security relationships as President.     

Putin and Russia in retro and forward: the nuclear dimension

Deterioration in security relations as between NATO and Russia reached boiling point in the aftermath of Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014 and its subsequent destabilization of Eastern Ukraine. As a result, some voices in the West look forward to the departure of Vladimir Putin from power, and others to the possible disintegration of Russia as a unitary state. However, both the departure of Putin and the collapse of Russia have a nuclear dimension. Putin has issued pointed reminders of Russia’s status as a nuclear great power, and Russian military doctrine allows for nuclear first use in the event of a conventional war with extremely high stakes. Beyond Putin, a breakup of Russia would leave political chaos in Eastern Europe, Central Asia and elsewhere, inviting ambiguous command and control over formerly Russian nuclear forces.     

Unblocking inertia: US-Russian nuclear arms control and missile defenses

The United States and Russia, in the aftermath of Russia’s annexation of Crimea and destabilization of Ukraine, seem to have ditched entirely the “reset” in their political relations. Despite this odor of Cold War redux, there remain the opportunities and necessities for renewed attention to strategic nuclear arms control as between the two governments. US and NATO missile defenses as planned for European deployment figure into this equation, although in somewhat unpredictable ways, given technological uncertainties in existing and foreseeable defenses, as well as the possibility of improved delivery systems for offensive conventional or nuclear weapons.