航母编队航渡过程中防空哨戒舰阵位确定方法研究

研究了一种航母编队航渡过程中防空哨戒舰的阵位确定方法。通过对航母编队防空区域划分与防空作战过程的分析,总结了航母编队航渡过程中防空哨戒舰阵位确定的原则,建立了防空哨戒舰阵位的数学模型,仿真计算了模型中各个参数对防空哨戒舰前出距离的影响。这些模型可用于确定防空哨戒舰的前出距离和方位,满足航母编队作战使用的需要。     

防空火力配系在敌机投弹线前的射击次数分析

防空兵对空作战的本质是在敌机投弹线或制导武器发射阵位线前击毁来袭敌机,这就要求防空火力在敌机投弹线或制导武器发射阵位线前有相当的射击次数以保证足够大的击毁概率。建立了防空火力配系对空袭兵器射击次数的模型,并分析提出了增加防空火力配系对空袭兵器射击次数的方法途径。     

关于加强公安现役部队科研环境建设的思考

目前公安现役部队科研环境建设，还存在项目申请难度大、投资渠道单一化、团结协作攻关难、科技资源共享少、学术科研氛围淡等问题，对人才队伍建设造成一定影响。坚持“以人为本”，加强制度建设，解放思想，增加投入，活跃学术氛围，树立科研标兵，以进一步改善和优化公安现役部队科研环境。     

公安现役部队后勤专业人才队伍建设的思考

公安现役部队后勤专业人才队伍建设是后勤信息化建设的重要智力基础,关系到部队后勤全面建设和长远规划。当前,复杂的国际国内形势与繁重的边、消、警任务,对后勤专业技术人才队伍建设提出了更高要求。如何认清形势,更新观念,实现部队后勤工作的跨越式发展,关键在于更快更好地培养融指挥、管理、技术为一体的“复合型”高素质人才。     

新中国成立前新疆民族分裂势力的涨消与覆灭

左宗棠率军收复新疆时，其部注重保护各族人民的利益，奠定了晚清和民国初期新疆民族关系基本稳定的政治基础。金树仁和盛世才的统治加剧了新疆民汉之间的对立与仇视，为外部势力渗透和民族分裂势力在新疆恶性发展制造了可乘之机。三区政府早期错误的民族政策导致民族分裂势力在新疆泛滥。从1946年底开始，三区政府发生积极地的转变，而美国领事馆则成为新疆民族分裂活动新的策源地，中国共产党影响下的“9．25”起义彻底粉碎了民族分裂势力策动新疆独立的图谋，保证了新疆的和平与稳定，维护了国家的领土完整。     

The Afghan model in northern Iraq

In Operation ‘Iraqi Freedom’, as the Coalition's heavy forces fought in the South, in the North a handful of special operations forces, working with Kurdish rebels, clashed with the Iraqi army along the Green Line. In operations reminiscent of those used a year earlier to defeat the Taliban in Afghanistan, the lightly armed and heavily outnumbered Coalition forces called in air strikes to defeat Iraq's regular and Republican Guard army divisions. This article tells the story of these operations and discusses some of their implications for future US military policy. The success of the Afghan model in Iraq goes a long way toward demonstrating the efficacy of new air-heavy tactics and shows the strategic value of using light indigenous allies to replace heavy US land forces in both conventional combat and occupation operations.     

The use of undercover military units in counter-terrorist operations: a historical analysis with reference to contemporary anti-terrorism

This article examines the use of specialised plain-clothes military units in counter-terrorism, concentrating on examples involving liberal-democratic states. It analyses the benefits and problems arising from clandestine military activity, focusing in particular on British army units (notably 14 Intelligence Company and the Force Research Unit in Northern Ireland). The article concludes by arguing that such formations have a clear utility – notably in gathering intelligence on terrorist groups – but other aspects of their role are inherently controversial (notably in cases where undercover soldiers use deadly force against suspected terrorists). It also states that plain-clothes military operations need to be conducted on the basis of accountability, both for strategic reasons, and also in accordance with the norms of liberal democracy.     

Exporting professionalism: US efforts to reform the armed forces in the Dominican Republic and Nicaragua, 1916–1933

Why did the United States, a country notorious for supporting coups and military dictatorships in Latin America during the Cold War, seek to depoliticize security forces in the Caribbean basin during the early twentieth century? Drawing from primary sources, I argue that this emphasis on military non-partisanship abroad stemmed from Progressive Era reforms popular at home. These reforms, which stressed bureaucratic efficiency via nonpartisan expertise, had become institutionalized within the US military and State Department and then channelled into the imperial administration of Nicaragua and the Dominican Republic. The State Department and Marine Corps attempted to replace local partisan armies with the kind of professional, nonpartisan armed forces that the US's own military had come to exemplify. That these civil-military reform efforts ultimately backfired should serve as a reminder of the difficulties inherent in using military interventions to transform coercive apparatuses and their societies.     

The missing dimension: IDF special operations forces and strategy in the Second Lebanon War

In the course of the 2006 Lebanon War the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) employed special operations forces (SOF) for raids against Hizb'allah's command and control structure. This article argues that a faulty conceptualization of the value of special operations and misguided expectations determined by the new IDF concept of operations impacted adversely on the employment of SOF for this kind of operations. Both these elements contributed in turn to substantially degrade SOF performance in the context of the war.