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51.
Gerald Felix Warburg 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(3):451-471
On October 1, 2008, Congress enacted a proposal that originated with President George W. Bush in 2005 to approve an unprecedented nuclear trade pact with India by removing a central pillar of US nonproliferation policy. Despite the numerous political challenges confronting the Bush administration, the initiative won strong bipartisan support, including votes from Democratic Senators Joseph Biden, Hillary Clinton, and Barack Obama. The four-year struggle to pass the controversial US-India nuclear trade agreement offers an exceptionally valuable case study. It demonstrates a classic tradeoff between the pursuit of broad multilateral goals such as nuclear nonproliferation and advancement of a specific bilateral relationship. It reveals enduring fault lines in executive branch relations with Congress. It vividly portrays challenges confronting proponents of a strong nonproliferation regime. This article is based on an analysis of the negotiating record and congressional deliberations, including interviews with key participants. It assesses the lessons learned and focuses on three principal questions: how did the agreement seek to advance US national security interests?; what were the essential elements of the prolonged state-of-the-art lobbying campaign to win approval from skeptics in Congress?; and what are the agreement's actual benefits—and costs—to future US nonproliferation efforts? 相似文献
52.
Governments are increasingly recognizing the problem posed by internally weak nuclear-capable states. The problem, however, is under-theorized. This article brings together literature on sovereignty and international order, the nonproliferation regime, and weak states, and introduces new concepts to provide a more structured understanding of this problem. Insight comes from focusing attention on the function and governance of two nuclear estates (termed the production and operational estates), and on their resilience to decay and disorder occurring within the state and society. Drawing on empirical observation, the authors suggest a typology of weakness in nuclear states, involving state fragmentation typified by the former Soviet Union, the “hard weak state” typified by North Korea, and the internally conflicted state typified by Pakistan. Although these types give rise to distinctive difficulties, their alleviation depends heavily on the maintenance of internal authority within the state and estates, the presence or absence of cooperative relations, and the international regulatory framework's vitality. 相似文献
53.
Mariana Budjeryn 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(2):203-237
ABSTRACTThere is a lingering disagreement among scholars on how the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) affects nonproliferation and disarmament outcomes. Drawing on constructivist scholarship on international norms, this article examines the extent of the NPT's effect in the case of Ukraine's nuclear disarmament. In the wake of the Soviet Union's collapse, Ukraine found itself host to the world's third largest nuclear arsenal. Despite Ukraine's initial commitment to become a non-nuclear state, it proceeded along a difficult path toward NPT accession. Most controversial and directly at odds with the NPT was Ukraine's claim to ownership of its nuclear inheritance as a successor state of the Soviet Union. This article argues that, while much domestic discourse about the fate of these nuclear weapons was embedded in the negotiation of Ukraine's new identity as a sovereign state vis-à-vis Russia and the West, the NPT played an important, structural role by outlining a separate normative space for nuclear weapons and providing the grammar of denuclearization with which Ukraine's decision makers had to grapple. 相似文献
54.
ABSTRACTNuclear disarmament is often seen as eventually requiring access to nuclear warheads or to the warhead-dismantlement process to verify that a state has not hidden weapons or weapon-materials despite promising to disarm. This article suggests this view is misplaced, and that what is needed is a verification mechanism able to provide reliable assurances of the absence of fissile materials available for use in weapons after a state has disarmed. Such a mechanism will need an initial declaration of the amount of fissile materials held by a state for all purposes, military and civilian. In a state with a nuclear arsenal awaiting elimination, this declaration would have to include materials that may not be available for verification because they are in nuclear weapons or are in other classified or proliferation-sensitive forms. This article describes a verification arrangement that does not require access to materials in weapons and in sensitive forms while still allowing checks on the overall accuracy of the declaration. Verification of the completeness and correctness of the declaration is deferred to the time when the weapons-relevant material enters the disposition process, at which point it no longer has any sensitive attributes. By removing the focus on monitoring warheads and dismantlement, this new approach could provide a more manageable path to nuclear disarmament. 相似文献
55.
Paul Meyer 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(3):463-472
For more than forty years, the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) has provided major security benefits to the international community; however, the treaty is suffering from internal and external pressures, and benign neglect on the part of its members is undermining its authority. To ensure the treaty's continued viability, it is time for member states to start showing the NPT the respect it deserves and to renew their commitments to its fundamental purposes. Achieving this requires remedial action in at least four areas of vulnerability: reinvigorating nuclear disarmament; strengthening nonproliferation; overcoming the NPT's institutional deficit; and fostering a rapprochement between NPT and non-NPT states that does not abandon the goal of treaty universalization. There is still time before the 2010 NPT Review Conference for concerted action to restore the NPT's vitality and for the United States to resume its leadership role on behalf of the treaty and its membership. 相似文献
56.
《Arms and Armour》2013,10(1):3-13
In the following short notice, the authors tell the story of the appearance of Classical armour in the Tower Armouries in the early and mid-nineteenth century. In the first part, Malcolm Mercer describes the interest surrounding armour from Cumae and the circumstances of its purchase by the Ordnance Office; while in the second Thom Richardson presents a specialist analysis of this group. 相似文献
57.
《Arms and Armour》2013,10(1):40-52
AbstractScientifically analysing important artefacts from the site of historic battles is vital if the best information is to be retrieved from the field. A detailed knowledge of the specific equipment that was available to the combatants from a known battle is also required at a high level so that artefacts and fragments resulting from an historic battlefield archaeological survey can be recognised when found. Access to specialists from all walks of life is required throughout each battlefield-related project, from the fieldwork stages to the dissemination of information. The following paper discusses the importance of working alongside museums and specialists and gives examples of how the Towton Battlefield Archaeology Project has successfully worked with the staff at the Royal Armouries Leeds. 相似文献
58.
基于通信信号中的时延信息,构建了基本TDOA定位算法,详细推导出了其理论定位精度分布及理论上最优定位点精度,为其定位的主要误差影响因素分析,及基于时延信息的被动定位算法的设计和改进力度提供了参考依据。并结合通信信号实际环境,给出了较为全面的仿真案例验算。 相似文献
59.
陈斌 《武警工程学院学报》2014,(1):77-80
《孙子兵法》作为中华民族传统文化中的“兵学圣典”,不但为中国所重视,更被译成几十种外国文字,广泛流传世界。它所包括的战争原则、系统观念、军人素质等战斗文化因素,对我军当前努力实现党在新形势下的强军目标,增强部队全面建设能力,提升部队战斗力有积极启示。 相似文献
60.
岳莉莉 《武警工程学院学报》2014,(4):79-82
在二语习得过程中,学习者的母语使用会直接影响第二语言的习得,并对其起到积极促进或消极干扰作用。以“合训”学员英语写作中出现的典型常见错误为例,从词汇、句法、语篇三个层面分析母语负迁移对军校学员英语写作造成的影响,指出在英语教学中要积极引导学员的汉语正转移,消除学员的负迁移,不断提高英语教学的效果。 相似文献