以党在新形势下的强军目标为牵引扎实推进军队院校保密工作科学发展

习主席提出的党在新形势下的强军目标,为进一步推进军队院校保密工作科学发展提供了根本遵循。院校保密工作必须以强军目标为牵引,铸牢强军之魂,牢牢把握军队院校保密工作发展的正确方向;扭住强军之要,切实提升搞好军队院校保密工作的能力水平;夯实强军之基,积极适应军队保密工作新要求抓好落实。     

模拟法庭教学法在刑事诉讼法学教学中的价值与应用

模拟法庭教学是通过仿真现实法庭场景和流程的方式,模拟开展庭审中的各项工作,以提高学生的操作能力的一种实践性教学方法,它契合刑事诉讼法学实践性、操作性的需要,能促使学生成为学习主体,有利于培养学生法律素养。在刑事诉讼法学课程中,模拟法庭教学法通常遵循案例选取、角色分配、准备材料、开始庭审和庭审点评五个程式。     

新建构主义知识观

传统知识观将间接知识理解为人类现有的静态认识成果,从而造成了问接知识的绝对化,使间接知识不可避免地具有反建构性。要实现间接知识与个人认识建构的有机统一,就必须打破传统知识观对间接知识的成果化理解,把间接知识理解为人类认识的发展过程,使间接知识本身建构化。     

ANALYSIS OF CONFLICT WITHIN A CONTESTED LAND: THE CASE OF KASHMIR

This paper considers the case of Kashmir to examine the relation between the people of the contested land (Indian-occupied Kashmir) and one of the nation states claiming it (India, in this case) in a game-theoretic framework. The motivation for this paper was whether it was possible to rationalize the lack of democratic space in Kashmir, relative to other states in India (especially since the founding fathers of the country had announced such democratic practices to be the guiding principles of the new nation) and at the same time, a highly rigid stance of the Indian Government on the Kashmir issue. An otherwise standard political economic model is used to capture how the way in which citizens determine their allegiance to one or the other nation state (India or Pakistan) can, in turn, affect the nation state's (India's) policies towards the contested land. I conclude that if the Indian Government perceives allegiance of the citizens to be determined primarily by partisan preferences of the citizens, not so much by their preferences for policies, then the government rationally concentrates on minimizing its disutility due to deviations from its ‘most-favorite' policy. This understanding rationalizes the policies of the Indian Government towards Kashmir. More importantly, it points towards areas that need consideration for any peace-making process to take-off.     

The International Conference on the Great Lakes Region

In April 2012 a number of former rebels who had been integrated into the Forces Armées de la République Démocratique du Congo (FARDC) mutinied and formed the Movement of March 23, better know as the M23 rebel group. The International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR) has been mediating between Kinshasa and the M23 rebel group since 2012, without much success. In August 2013, the Southern African Development Community (SADC) issued a communiqué after its 33rd Summit of Heads of State and Government, stating that while it commends the ICGLR efforts, the talks have become protracted and a deadline needs to be set. The summit also called for an urgent joint ICGLR–SADC summit to address the crisis in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). In addition to this development, the chair of the ICGLR is to be rotated in December 2013, when President José Eduardo Dos Santos of Angola replaces President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda. To date, the mediation has been headed by Uganda and this has raised concerns over the credibility of the ICGLR-led process, since Uganda has been accused of supporting the M23 rebellion in a report released in November 2012 by the United Nations Group of Experts on the DRC. One could question whether the Angolan leadership will bring anything new that could have an impact on the crisis. Many expect that the perceived neutrality that Dos Santos could bring to the negotiations may be a positive step towards reviving the talks that have all but stalled at this point. Another issue of interest is whether the joint ICGLR–SADC summit could instil new life into the mediation process.     

BUSTING OUT

This report explores Iranian popular opinion on the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) and the determinants of Iranian attitudes. Using data from a 2008 survey of 710 Iranians administered by the University of Maryland's Program on International Policy Attitudes, we find that that a significant minority of Iranians (10 percent in 2006 and 14 percent in 2008) would prefer that Iran withdraw from the NPT. Our statistical analysis shows that Iranians who fear a US attack on Iranian nuclear facilities and distrust the International Atomic Energy Agency are more likely to want to quit the NPT. We therefore argue that those who do not trust other nations are most likely to oppose the NPT.     

Bringing Balancing Back In: Britain's Targeted Balancing, 1936–1939

This article challenges the conventional wisdom that Neville Chamberlain rejected the British tradition of balance of power in the 1930s. In contrast to balance of power and balance of threat theories, states do not balance against aggregate or net shifts in power. Instead, leaders define threats based on particular elements of a foreign state's power. The import is that different components of power of a foreign state are more or less threatening and aggregate shifts in power alone may not provoke counterbalancing behavior. In the 1930s, Britain balanced against the most threatening components of power: the German Luftwaffe and the threat of a knock-out air assault against the homeland, Japan's Imperial Navy and its threat to Britain's commercial trade routes and the Dominions in East Asia, and the Italian Navy and the threat to Britain's line of communication through the Mediterranean Sea to India and Asia. Given Britain's difficult financial circumstances, all other components of power, such as the army and the land components of power of Germany, Japan, and Italy were ranked as secondary in terms of its rearmament priorities. Thus, London was able to narrow the gap with Berlin in specific components of power of strategic importance such as aircraft production or to exceed Germany in other areas such as the Royal Navy and its battlefleet.     

It's all the rage: why mechanization doesn't explain COIN outcomes

A recent article, ‘Rage Against the Machines’, does a disservice to the debate over what explains counterinsurgency (COIN) success. While it establishes a negative correlation between the diffusion of military mechanization in the state system and COIN success, its theoretical argument does not hold up under close scrutiny and its micro-case comparison of two units in Iraq during 2003–2004 ignores obvious counter-examples and factors that influence COIN success, such as leadership. A deeper inquiry would have revealed that there is much more to COIN success than simply not having access to vehicles.     

尺度自适应特征压缩跟踪

为在复杂环境中对目标进行长时间精确跟踪,提出一种尺度自适应特征压缩跟踪算法。通过结构约束性采样,获取不同尺度不同位置的扫描窗,离线计算不同尺度下的稀疏随机感知矩阵。在线跟踪时利用这些矩阵感知对应尺度的图像采样块,实现特征降维,提高运算速度。利用朴素贝叶斯分类器对降维特征判决,在线学习更新分类器参数,找出具有最高分类得分的采样块作为新的跟踪结果,实现跟踪位置及尺度的自适应更新。实验结果表明,该算法能适应目标的基本姿态变化及尺度缩放,不依赖于目标初始跟踪区域尺度选取,跟踪结果具有较强的鲁棒性。     

层次分析法的水下航行器维修性指标分配方法

基于层次分析法的水下航行器维修性指标分配方法把层次分析法应用到水下航行器维修性指标分配方法中,即邀请专家对故障的检测和隔离方式、可达性、可更换性和测试的困难等级进行两两比较,得到评价矩阵,据此,可以得到分配结果.这种方法克服了按故障率和设计特性分配法在设计特性相差不大时存在的缺陷,把定性分析与定量分析相结合.在设计初期即明确设计目标,除了考虑到单元的故障率还兼顾了初期设计过程中的不确定性.将这种方法应用于某水下航行器的维修性分配,结果表明,该方法具有实用价值.