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81.
王鸿 《中国人民武装警察部队学院学报》2008,24(1):60-63
社会稳定是改革发展的重要前提,而保持农村稳定是全社会稳定的关键。维护农村社会稳定根本途径在于文化建设,但文化建设对农村社会稳定有双向效应。文化建设对农村社会稳定的正面效应有减贫效应、社会结构优化效应、社会控制效应、社会心理优化效应和社会化效应,而文化建设的受益不均衡效应、虚化效应、过度社会动员效应及其信息失稳效应等又不利于农村社会稳定。因此,要充分重视农村文化建设的积极作用,也要清醒认识其负面效应,并为维护农村社会稳定考虑扬正抑负的对策。 相似文献
82.
为了分析气液同轴离心式喷嘴的雾化机理,对同轴气体作用下的锥形液膜进行时间稳定性分析,推导同轴气体作用下锥形液膜的色散方程,建立离心式喷嘴出口参数预测模型,用于数值求解色散方程。结果表明:喷嘴出口液膜厚度随着喷注压降的增加而减小,喷雾锥角、液膜速度和轴向速度随着喷注压降的增加而增大。同轴气体作用下液膜由正弦模式的表面波主导,因为正弦模式的表面波增长率远大于曲张模式的表面波增长率。当环缝气体喷注速度较小时,增加气体速度会减小气液相对速度,从而减弱气液相互作用,使得液膜主导表面波增长率和频率减小、破碎时间和破碎长度增加。而当环缝气体速度超过一个临界值后,随着气体速度的增大,液膜主导表面波增长率和频率迅速增大,破碎时间和破碎长度迅速减小。 相似文献
83.
李华 《兵团教育学院学报》2009,19(5):20-22,56
本文从宗教的社会功能角度出发,探讨了新疆伊斯兰教发展对其地区社会稳定产生的多方面影响。并对伊斯兰教教旨教义进行了分析,论述了引导其发挥宗教的正功能,尽可能缩小和克服其消极影响,更好地与社会主义社会相适应的意义,以及与建设和谐新疆相互促进的重要性和可行性。 相似文献
84.
Alex Marshall 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(2):233-258
Since 9/11, counterinsurgency is back in fashion; the ‘war on terror’ has even been branded a ‘global counterinsurgency’. However the context within which counterinsurgency originally arose is critical to understanding the prospects for its present success; the radically changed environment in which it is currently being conducted casts into considerable doubt the validity of the doctrine's application by many national militaries currently ‘rediscovering’ this school of military thought today. Above all, classical counterinsurgency was a profoundly imperial, state-centric phenomenon; consequently it only rarely faced the thorny issue of sovereignty and legitimacy which bedevils and may doom these same efforts today. 相似文献
85.
Michael Wagner 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(4):484-509
The US Army develops doctrine as a set of fundamental principles that guide its actions in support of national objectives. Recently, those national objectives required stability operations, with increasing scope and frequency. This study examines whether existing US Army doctrine adequately fulfilled its role as a guide to tactics in addressing the challenges that Army forces faced in the first 15 months of the war in Iraq. Field Manual 3-24 Counterinsurgency has remedied many deficiencies, but several remain to be addressed to offer commanders better guidance in the face of the many complex challenges they face in stability operations. 相似文献
86.
James M. Acton 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(2):141-154
ABSTRACTRussian political leaders and military strategists are growing increasingly concerned about “strategic conventional weapons”—a broad category that appears to include all non-nuclear, high-precision, standoff weapons—and about long-range, hypersonic weapons, in particular. These concerns are complex and multifaceted (and, in some cases, contradictory), but chief among them are the beliefs that strategic conventional weapons could prove decisive in a major conflict and that Russia is lagging behind in their development. US programs to develop and acquire such weapons—namely, the Conventional Prompt Global Strike program—are of great concern to Russian strategists, who argue both that the United States seeks such weapons for potential use against Russia—its nuclear forces, in particular—and because strategic conventional weapons are more “usable” than nuclear weapons. Asymmetric responses by Russia include increased reliance on tactical nuclear weapons, efforts to enhance the survivability of its nuclear forces, and investments in air and missile defenses. There is also strong—but not completely conclusive evidence—that Russia is responding symmetrically by attempting to develop a long-range, conventionally armed boost-glide weapon. 相似文献
87.
Joshua H. Pollack 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(2):155-164
ABSTRACTThe United States and China are testing boost-glide weapons, long-range strike systems capable of flying at Mach 5 or faster through the upper atmosphere. For the United States, these systems would provide a conventional prompt global strike capability, which, together with US ballistic missile defense programs, Chinese experts regard as a threat to China's ability to conduct nuclear retaliation. This perception is encouraging the Chinese military to modify its nuclear posture in ways that tend to create greater risks for both sides. If China's own boost-glide systems are meant to carry nuclear payloads only, their deployment would not fundamentally alter the current situation between the two states. However, if they were conventionally armed or dual-purpose, or if the United States could not determine the payloads they carried, the deployment of Chinese boost-glide systems could compound problems of strategic stability created by the introduction of ballistic missile defense, antisatellite, and antiship ballistic missile capabilities. If the technical hurdles can be overcome, it may be difficult for the two sides to refrain from these deployments in the absence of strong mutual trust or an established arms-control relationship. New confidence-building measures and expanded mutual transparency are warranted to avoid creating new dangers. 相似文献
88.
Jeffrey W. Knopf 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(1):79-93
This article seeks to elucidate the concept of nuclear learning. It explores both the “nuclear” and the “learning” aspects of the concept. On the nuclear side, it distinguishes between learning basic facts about nuclear arms and drawing inferences about the larger implications of those facts. On the learning side, it discusses three issues: whether to use the term in a normative or value-neutral manner; the difference between learning that leads to a change in means versus learning that leads to a re-evaluation of ends; and whether learning only takes place at the level of individuals or whether there can also be learning by collective entities. The article argues there is no universal best answer to these questions and that the particular concept of learning that should be employed depends on the goals of the analyst. If the goal is to reduce the chances of nuclear war, however, one type of learning that will be important to consider is whether there is shared, cross-national learning. 相似文献
89.
Reid B. C. Pauly 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(3-4):441-455
ABSTRACTThis article explores how two influential American policy makers—Paul Nitze and McGeorge Bundy—wrestled with the idea of a norm against the use of nuclear weapons. Existing scholarship has overlooked how both Bundy and Nitze came to understand the idea of nuclear non-use, especially related to the credibility of threats to use nuclear weapons. Using documentary evidence from their personal papers, this article illuminates the thinking of Bundy and Nitze, finding that both engaged with the idea of a norm of non-use of nuclear weapons in their strategic writing and thought. 相似文献
90.
研究了FBN、JF402 2种碳氟表面活性剂与发泡剂配伍后形成的水溶液在油面上的铺展及泡沫性能(发泡力和稳定性)。结果表明FBN、JF402的加入可提高体系的铺展能力。FBN的铺展性能好于JF402,但JF402泡沫性能好于FBN。 相似文献