提高“两课”教学的生动性三议

提高“两课”教学的生动性，就要在备课和讲课时，注重追求思想上的深刻、资料上的精彩和语言上的震撼与精美。力求思想深刻，内容精彩，语言精美。     

The soft power of migration – a hard task for the European union

The article studies the range of problems that have emerged due to the growing immigration from Muslim countries into the European Union (EU). While describing the functions of immigrants' communities, the authors focus on their political role in the receiving states. The study of the historical development of government–diaspora relations in three cases (the UK, France, and Germany) shows that Muslim communities' political influence does not reflect their economic and cultural role, which in the future might threaten the EU security, unless these countries develop a new approach to an “acculturation” policy.     

改进党的作风是实践“三个代表”的必然要求

党的作风问题 ,也是党的形象问题 ,作风不正 ,形象好不了 ,必然脱离群众 ,脱离实际 ,就会严重影响人心向背 ,影响群众的信任 ,影响党的工作和事业 ,这是十分危险的。综观国际国内形势 ,进入新世纪 ,我们党面临的形势、任务、环境正发生深刻而复杂的变化 ,机遇与挑战同在 ,希望与困难并存 ,需要我们党站在时代的高度统揽全局 ,与时俱进 ,按照“三个代表”的要求 ,全面加强党的建设。而改进党的作风 ,既是新时期党的建设的根本 ,也是实践“三个代表”的必然要求     

Lines in the sand: the use and misuse of red lines

This article explores series of “red lines” issued over the years by the USA and Israel toward Iran and Syria. It argues that the effectiveness of inflexible “red lines” in an environment that is given to rapid change is doubtful. They provide an adversary with the ability to determine when the deterring party will act and when they will not, a situation that is often undesirable. Moreover, their inflexible nature on the one hand opens the doors for circumvention while technically staying within their parameters. On the other hand, a strategy of more ambiguous “red lines” that allow flexibility in choosing the time, intensity, and nature of the response could also achieve a considerable deterrent effect, provided that they do not remain mere bluffs.     

联系实际 实现邓小平理论“三进”目标

进学生头脑”是在高等学校全面实现邓小平理论“三进”目标的关键。在深入调查研究基础上 ,找准联系实际改进邓小平理论教学的切入点 ;采用专题教学方式 ;改变被动的学习方式 ;改革重理论轻实践的考核方式 ,促进邓小平理论进学生头脑目标的全面实现。并在上述过程中 ,注意遵循有利于唤起学生学习兴趣 ,有利于发挥学生学习的主体作用 ,就事论理 ,深化认识 ,不割断历史及实事求是 ,科学严肃的原则     

The myth of Afghan electoral democracy: the irregularities of the 2014 presidential election

ABSTRACT

This article systematically assesses the 2014 Afghanistan Presidential Election, the first transfer of power from President Hamid Karzai to an elected successor, using provincial voting data as well as explicit data from polling centers. The analysis finds unusual voting results in the April election, where no candidate received 50%+1 votes required by the Afghan constitution, versus the voting results realized for the June ‘runoff election.’ As in other Afghan voting analyses, this article finds voting based on ethno-linguistic preferences, and interestingly found Dr. Ashraf Ghani receiving almost all the swing votes in the runoff election even though the other leading candidate from the April election all endorsed Dr. Abdullah Abdullah. More importantly, however, the research presented here clearly finds extremely strange voting patterns. For example, the polling data center analysis finds 606 polling places where Ghani received all 600 votes and Abdullah received none and another 900 polling centers that gave virtually all its votes to Ghani. These results in combination with other analyses raise the very real possibility that the election results were illegitimate. The article concludes with a discussion of the implications of the research to future Afghan elections and their processes as well as to the long-standing conflict in the country.     

Towards a new national security policy for Canada

Canada is now at a crossroads unlike any other period in its history and needs to carefully consider which path to take. With the new Trudeau government comfortably ensconced since the defeat of the Harper government in the fall of 2015, a variety of competing interests have emerged in an attempt to turn Canadian policy back to a more nostalgic period of the 1970s that some see as preferable to the institutional lash-up that existed since the rolling out of the Canada First policy in the 2000s. That nostalgic period is, however, misunderstood both willfully for political purposes but also through a lack of historical context. Firmly rooting future actions in a blunt analysis of national interests is preferable to the alternative.     

“What is dear to you?” Survey of beliefs regarding protection of critical infrastructure against terrorism

Up to the present, there is only very little research on how the population perceives terrorism and its threats, even though support from the population is crucial for effective counterterrorism. By eliciting beliefs and subjecting them to content analyses, six factors were found that determine the protection worthiness of a target in the people's view: the potential damage to “people,” “symbolism,” “economy,” “politics,” “nature,” and “image/publicity.” These empirically found factors are in line with factors specified by terrorist target selection models. They differ in the strength of their cognitive representation among participants and, thus, their subjective importance to the people. The first three factors are shared among all participants, whereas the latter ones could only be found in a part of the participant sample. People's judgments of the targets' protection worthiness differ substantially from their judgments of the targets' attractiveness to terrorists, even though the same factors seem to be involved. This study offers an insight into the people's mental model about protection worthiness of targets. Together with classical risk analysis and knowledge about terrorists, these results can form a basis for setting up a holistic scheme for critical infrastructure protection.     

Aligning national “logics” in a European military helicopter program

This article analyzes the public side of the NH90 network consisting of four participating countries (Germany, France, Italy, and the Netherlands) and their industrial partners. Comparable to observations in earlier international projects in the defense sector, the development and production of the NH90 defense helicopter did not match original plans and costs estimates. On the basis of four mechanisms that were intended to facilitate the cooperation between the partnering countries (the General Memorandum of Understanding; coalition formation; the role of the central agency; and the process of vertical escalation) the question is posed whether or not there was a true alignment of national interests and “logics.” The lack of standardization, as well as program delays and issues concerning the division of the work-share, lead to the emerging alignment being characterized as “quasi-alignment” at best.     

伊犁哈萨克族“民考民”和“民考汉”中学生语言文字使用情况调研--以特克斯县初级中学为个案

新疆推行民汉合校后，少数民族学生的语言使用情况一直是双语教育领域关注的问题。本文通过问卷调查和访谈的方式，以特克斯县初级中学为个案，考察了伊犁地区哈萨克族“民考民”及“民考汉”中学生语言使用情况。结果表明，哈萨克族“民考汉”和“民考民”学生在语言文字使用、语言态度以及语言文化认同上有较大差异，但也有一致性：希望在熟练地掌握汉语的同时，也能掌握好自己的本民族语言。最后基于提高新疆少数民族基础教育水平和培养民汉兼通人才的目的提出对策。