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1.
ABSTRACT

Recent nuclear-weapons-related consultation in NATO within the framework of the Defence and Deterrence Posture Review sheds light on historical experiences with nuclear consultation in NATO. In the early years of the Nuclear Planning Group (NPG), which became the main forum for multilateral nuclear consultation in the alliance, developing a nuclear weapons first use doctrine was of particular importance. This process led to the adoption of the Provisional Political Guidelines (PPGs) on the threat to initiate the use of nuclear weapons. With a focus on West Germany as the primary addressee of the NPG, it will be postulated that nuclear consultation functioned and may still be seen as an essential tool to manage the credibility of US extended nuclear deterrence in the framework of NATO.  相似文献   
2.
ABSTRACT

I argue in this article that traditional just war theory did allow private, indeed even individual war, and that arguments in support of a legitimate authority criterion, let alone in support of the “priority” of this criterion, fail. I further argue that what motivates the insistence on “legitimate authority” is the assumption that doing away with this criterion will lead to chaos and anarchy. I demonstrate that the reasoning, if any, underlying this assumption is philosophically confused. The fact of the matter is that wars need not necessarily be authorized by some higher authority (such as a king, president, or parliament) in order to be justified, and this moral fact does not need to lead to chaos and anarchy. Accordingly, the criterion of legitimate authority cannot be relied on to delegitimate individual war, private war, guerrilla war, or even terrorism. Finally, I consider some other defenses of authorization and demonstrate that the “authorization” these accounts defend is either not needed for justification or already provided by other just war criteria or, indeed, entirely fictitious.  相似文献   
3.
On October 1, 2008, Congress enacted a proposal that originated with President George W. Bush in 2005 to approve an unprecedented nuclear trade pact with India by removing a central pillar of US nonproliferation policy. Despite the numerous political challenges confronting the Bush administration, the initiative won strong bipartisan support, including votes from Democratic Senators Joseph Biden, Hillary Clinton, and Barack Obama. The four-year struggle to pass the controversial US-India nuclear trade agreement offers an exceptionally valuable case study. It demonstrates a classic tradeoff between the pursuit of broad multilateral goals such as nuclear nonproliferation and advancement of a specific bilateral relationship. It reveals enduring fault lines in executive branch relations with Congress. It vividly portrays challenges confronting proponents of a strong nonproliferation regime. This article is based on an analysis of the negotiating record and congressional deliberations, including interviews with key participants. It assesses the lessons learned and focuses on three principal questions: how did the agreement seek to advance US national security interests?; what were the essential elements of the prolonged state-of-the-art lobbying campaign to win approval from skeptics in Congress?; and what are the agreement's actual benefits—and costs—to future US nonproliferation efforts?  相似文献   
4.
The Australia Group's (AG's) contributions toward stemming global proliferation of chemical and biological weapons of mass destruction over the last 20 years are noted, in addition to the group's complementary role in effectively supporting the purpose and objectives of the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC). This report also outlines the organizational and operational means that help accomplish the AG mission and notes the U.S. Congress’ recognition of the role of the AG in countering chemical and biological weapons proliferation. Addressing criticism by some CWC states parties that question the AG's role in nonproliferation, the author also highlights the AG's expanded reach since September 2001 over terrorist activity. Finally,the article identifies a challenge the AG now faces in furthering its objectives and offers a possible solution.  相似文献   
5.
本文采用坐标空间重正化群方法(PSRG),对二维正方形点阵最近邻伊辛模型铁磁系统,求解了五个自旋组成块体的临界指数,在块体哈密顿量中保留到的量级。将本文结果与伊辛模型严格计算的理论值、各种临界指数的实验值、以及二维三角点阵三个自旋组成块体的临界指数计算值相比较,可以看到,本文的计算结果均比三角点阵三自旋组成块体的计算值有所改进。  相似文献   
6.
一种安全的组签字方案   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1       下载免费PDF全文
基于离散对数给出了一种组签字方案。该方案保留了已有方案的主要优点 ,并且解决了“匿名”性问题。在该方案中 ,既使组权威公布了一些附加信息以供验证者确认签字者的身份 ,但可确保签字者其它的组签字的“匿名”性 ,组权威也不必更新签字者的任何密钥。因为组权威公布的信息只是为了识别指定的组签字。  相似文献   
7.
密集部署的集团军区域防空体系,各防空群火力范围相互重叠,火力关系复杂。需要军防空指挥机构对所属各防空群的火力运用进行统一调控。论述了军区域防空体系火力区分的基本含义、特点和实施方法,建立了相应的数学模型,目的是为军防空火力运用和军新型防空指挥自动化系统开发提供理论指导和技术支持。  相似文献   
8.
王兢 《国防科技》2014,(3):36-39
控制系统是航空发动机的重要组成部分。文章对国外航空技术强国,特别是美国和俄罗斯的航空发动机控制系统技术的发展历程进行了分析,着重介绍了某发动机控制系统的技术特点。针对该发动机控制系统提出了数字化改进方案,可以有效减轻控制系统重量,挖掘发动机潜力,并提升发动机性能。从航空发动机控制系统的发展历程可以看出,全权限数字电子控制技术(FADEC)是航空发动机控制系统发展的必然趋势,会对航空技术的发展产生巨大的推动作用。  相似文献   
9.
Focusing on British involvement in the 1960s Yemen Civil War, this article examines the centralised mechanisms developed in Whitehall to coordinate covert action interdepartmentally. It therefore sheds new light on London's security and intelligence machine and its input into clandestine operations. Drawing on recently declassified documents and interviews, it uncovers various important but secretive actors, which have been overlooked or misunderstood in the existing literature, and outlines their functions in the most detail yet available. In doing so, it considers how these bodies evolved in relation to competing threat assessments of the local situation and the impact they had on Britain's covert intervention in the theatre. This article assesses the utility of the system and argues that it provided an effective means to ensure that any covert action sanctioned was properly scrutinised so as to reduce risks and best meet national interests.  相似文献   
10.
Decisionmaking processes leading to the acquisition of nuclear weapons by democratic states have served as the basis for theories about nuclear proliferation. In contrast, less is known about how a totalitarian regime responds to immense external pressure to abolish unconventional weapons it considers crucial for its security and survival. This article will analyze how we can explain Iraq's behavior after the passing of Resolution 1441 and during the United Nations inspections in 2002–2003.  相似文献   
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