Into the black box? Technology sharing in major arms transfers and beyond

From the recipients’ perspective, arms transfers have, through the use of offsets, technology transfers, and industrial participation, become an opportunity to receive not only advanced weapons, but also technologies not otherwise available. How important are friendly relations for securing a military export order? To what extent do buyers demand advanced military or commercial technology and how are these demands accepted by the supplier? How does this influence smaller producers in relation to major producers? These questions are addressed by studying (a) the Joint Strike Fighter/F-35 by Lockheed Martin, USA, and the JAS-39 Gripen aircraft by Saab, Sweden, (b) the Medium Multi-Role Combat Aircraft competition in India for 126 combat aircraft, and (c) the Indian offset policy. In the final section, some long-term consequences are discussed.     

前传协同制导交接环节的导弹指示信息的解算

针对协同制导交接时的导弹指示问题,利用坐标变换及时空配准等方法,通过对协同信息处理设备的讨论以及导弹指示信息解算模型的分析,建立了平面解算模型与椭球面解算模型两种坐标变换解算模型.对两种模型的求解方法分别进行了说明.对各种模型的解算效果进行了仿真计算及比较分析.所得模型及解算方法对协同制导作战有一定的理论和实践意义.     

舰艇协同作战导弹防御模型研究

舰艇协同作战是未来战争的主要作战形式,导弹防御是其主要的作战职责.运用信息论的方法对舰艇协同作战中敌方导弹发射策略的不确定性进行建模,运用可靠性理论对协作效果进行建模,并引进知识的概念作为其度量,同时用边的函数对网络复杂性进行建模,综合这两种因素在以最大化防御时间为总的决策目标,以己方导弹储备和敌方来袭速率为决策因素对导弹防御作出辅助决策.     

大功率柔性互联设备的有功互济协调控制方法

针对以常规母联开关互联的交流电网线路变压器容量无法合理利用的问题,提出了依靠由背靠背电压源变流器组成的新型大功率柔性互联装置实现两侧交流电网有功功率互济的协调控制方法。介绍了新型柔性互联装置的拓扑结构与基本的控制原理,为实现两侧线路变压器容量合理的目标制定了一种生成有功功率参考的方法,并基于PSCAD/EMTDC搭建了一套仿真算例,对新型柔性互联装置的基本控制与所提出的有功互济的协调控制方法进行了验证。仿真结果表明,在柔性互联装置采用所提方法时能够实现两侧交流线路的有功功率互济,解决了线路变压器容量无法合理分配的问题。     

面向任务的有人机/无人机协同对地攻击概率模型

有人机/无人机协同对地攻击是未来空对地打击的主要作战样式,如何评估其协同作战的效能是军地双方共同面对的重要课题。首先根据完成对地攻击任务的4个环节建立了对地攻击的总概率模型;然后基于桥联模型建立了各个环节的概率模型;最后给出了一架有人机协同两架无人机对地攻击的算例,并对模型反算、协同与非协同对比以及多波次攻击等问题进行了讨论和分析,验证了模型良好可用性和广泛适用性。     

自由贸易区对中蒙经济合作的影响

自由贸易区是自由经济区的一个功能类型。在中蒙边境二连浩特口岸 (对应口岸为扎门乌德 )地区辟建自由贸易区对中蒙双边经济合作将产生积极的影响 :跨边境的更广域范围内形成资源要素的最佳配置 ,提升中蒙边境经济乃至整个经济合作的内容和层次 ;提高对彼此的出口 ,积累各自所稀缺的资本技术及经验 ;大大刺激彼此为对象的直接投资 ;为边境区域经济发展创建一个“增长极” ,改善双边合作的经济环境 ,从而扩展两国经济合作的空间。     

A simple and untraditional analysis of western alliance burden‐sharing

The original Olson and Zeckhauser model of alliance burden‐sharing was based on the following four assumptions: (1) alliance defence is a pure public good; (2) allied nations make their security contribution decisions without consulting the other allies; (3) alliances produce only a single public good; and (4) alliance defence is produced with equal degrees of efficiency in all alliance nations. But while the first of these assumptions has received a great deal of attention in the alliance literature, the remaining ones have received comparatively less attention, particularly in terms of empirical analyses. This paper synthesizes a varied literature developed around these four assumptions, both substantively and theoretically, and shows that when these assumptions are brought closer to real world approximations, hypotheses regarding the potential for security cooperation with less free‐riding result. This article also provides a simple test of Western alliance burden‐sharing in the areas of military spending, development resources spending, and research and development spending that supports the hypothesis positing more equitable burden‐sharing.     

South Africa's arsenal of terrorism legislation

After only ten years in existence, the African Union (AU) has already made its mark on the landscape of peace and security in Africa. This paper seeks to explore the relationship between the AU's leading collaborative interstate security policy, the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), and sustainable peace in the Horn of Africa. It examines four countries – Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, and Kenya – and how engaging with the APSA through early warning systems can contribute to developing the elements necessary for sustainable peace, namely regional stability, conflict management, and good governance.     

Making sense of the Southern African Development Community

SADC has a poor record in advancing peace and security in Southern Africa. Many identify poor policy frameworks and weak technical capacities as the major obstacles. Laurie Nathan goes beyond these easy explanations in his important new book on SADC. Absence of common democratic values and reluctance to surrender state sovereignty are key factors preventing SADC from making progress according to this book. This article argues that Nathan overstates the case and that there are real prospects and potentials for making further progress in regional cooperation. The lessons from the history of European integration also points to the important role of regional leadership. South Africa, in coalition with other likeminded countries, may still be in a position to move the SADC project forward.