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1.
针对复杂信号环境下雷达对抗情报侦察面临的信号分选问题,提出一种基于双站协同侦察的雷达信号分选新方法。根据不同位置雷达的脉冲信号到达两个侦察接收站的时间差不同进行信号分选。在满足误差的要求下,求解该方法的分选模糊区域,分析分选性能。调整布站,优化分选性能,提高分选准确性。理论分析和计算机仿真表明,该方法可以较好地解决制约雷达对抗情报获取中的信号分选瓶颈难题。 相似文献
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James Worrall 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2017,28(4-5):709-733
AbstractThe concept of order is often neglected in the study of conflict – seemingly such a ‘disordering’ process. With the recent increase in the examination of rebel governance however, bringing order back into our understanding of rebel and insurgent groups has much to offer in exploring the everyday politics which connect authorities, rebel movements and the population itself, in a complex mass of intersubjective and power-based interactions and negotiations. Rebels both shape and are shaped by existing forms of order in complex and ongoing ways. This article explores how varying elements interact in the negotiation, framing and enforcement of order and develops an original analytical framework to examine the perpetual negotiations of rebel movements in their attempts to cement their control. 相似文献
3.
提出了一种模糊方向神经网络分类器,并应用于液体推进剂火箭发动机故障检测与分离。模糊方向神经网络采用模糊集表示发动机故障模式,模糊集是方向超体聚集形成的集合体,方向超体则由单位方向、夹角和两个半径确定。模糊方向神经网络能在一次循环学习中形成非线性方向边界。故障检测与分离的仿真研究表明:模糊方向神经网络的识别性能是比较优越的。 相似文献
4.
Antonio Giustozzi 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2017,28(1):12-33
Although the Taliban insurgency was internally divided and unable to coordinate its activities in 2014–2015, the Afghan security forces were not able to contain it and steadily lost ground throughout 2015. Until 2015, there had been little effort to develop an indigenous Afghan counterinsurgency strategy, but a sense of urgency emerged after a string of Taliban victories. At the beginning of 2016, it was still not clear if and when the National Unity Government would be able to produce a counterinsurgency strategy and, in any case, the need for a coherent counterinsurgency approach became questionable as the Taliban appeared to be transitioning towards conventional warfare. 相似文献
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Nathaniel L. Moir 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2017,28(6):909-946
This article assesses Bernard Fall’s concept of Vietnamese Revolutionary Warfare in Indochina between 1953 and 1958. It also investigates differences in the conceptualization of Revolutionary Warfare between Fall and proponents of French military doctrine known as la guerre révolutionnaire. The last component of the article considers limits of Fall’s influence on counterinsurgency doctrine. 相似文献
7.
提出了用变形的Fourier部分和来代替Fourier级数将输入数据光滑的一种新方法。该方法能稳定地解某些不适定的问题,如给定函数的近似,求函数微分的问题;Laplace方程Cauchy问题;时间逆向热传导方程的Cauchy问题等。 相似文献
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NOEL STOTT 《African Security Review》2013,22(3):4-11
A truly universal ban on anti-personnel mines cannot be realized without engagement of armed non-state actors and armed groups operating outside state control, including rebels and national liberation movements. Events after 9/11 have complicated engagement with organizations that can be classified as ‘terrorists’. Yet, the use of anti-personnel landmines itself can be viewed as an act of terrorism and African leaders have, on various occasions, classified the use of landmines and the presence of unexploded ordnance as engendering insecurity and a serious impediment to development. The success of a total ban ultimately depends upon ensuring that armed non-state actors act in accordance with international humanitarian law. The Geneva Call Deed of Commitment for Adherence to a Total Ban on Anti-Personnel Mines and for Cooperation in Mine Action (DoC) might be described as an alternative instrument to the Anti-Personnel Mine Ban Convention and can serve an important and impartial channel of communication with non-state actors. Already 18 armed groups in Africa have signed the Geneva Call DoC. 相似文献
10.
VANESSA L KENT 《African Security Review》2013,22(2):85-92
I am afraid there is clear evidence that acts of gross misconduct have taken place. This is a shameful thing for the United Nations to have to say, and I am absolutely outraged by it. —Kofi Annan, United Nations Secretary-General Despite promulgating a comprehensive set of guidelines to deter UN personnel from committing acts of sexual misconduct, allegations of sexual exploitation and abuse have become widespread within United Nations peacekeeping missions. The policy of zero-tolerance for peacekeeper misconduct has not been matched by strong disciplinary measures, and crimes are often ignored and rarely punished: absentee fathers, rapists and murderers simply disappear back in their home countries. In countries where women and children rarely have the same economic resources, political rights and authority or control over their environment—or their bodies—they easily become prey for those in perceived positions of power and authority. By failing to hold those responsible to account, the UN may in fact be fuelling even greater discrimination and violence against women and children. In order to ensure those who are mandated to protect to do not become perpetrators of abuse, the UN must take a stronger stand against those who commit acts of sexual misconduct, and must ensure that victims see that their abuser is brought to justice and that reparation is offered. A recent report submitted by the Secretary-General's Special Envoy on Sexual Exploitation and Sexual Abuse makes a comprehensive set of recommendations to prevent, detect, and respond to these allegations. The aim of this essay is to highlight some of the main points of the Special Envoy's report, and to examine the practical challenges the UN and troop/police contributing countries will face when attempting to implement these recommendations. 相似文献