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1.
Mingjiang Li 《战略研究杂志》2015,38(3):359-382
AbstractChina has a strong interest in pursuing a smart power strategy towards Southeast Asia and has worked laboriously to engage with regional countries economically, socially, and politically. But China has been only partially successful in achieving its goals in the region. This paper argues that China’s security policy towards Southeast Asia significantly contradicts many other objectives that Beijing wishes to accomplish. Given the deep-seated, narrowly-defined national interests of the Chinese military in the South China Sea disputes, it is likely that the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) will continue to pose the main obstacle to the effective implementation of a Chinese smart strategy in Southeast Asia. 相似文献
2.
通过对2005～2009年《武警学院学报》5年间的载文、作者及引文情况进行统计分析,研究其载文量、栏目设置以及著者、发文地区和著者系统分布,并统计出合作度、合作类型、引文量、篇均引文数、引文语种及引文类型等,以期描述学报在改为月刊后的出版状况,从中发现一些带有规律性的问题,并客观评价其办刊特色,为刊物的进一步发展及相关学科动向提供理论依据。 相似文献
3.
Yves-Heng Lim 《战略研究杂志》2017,40(1-2):146-168
Among the multiple dimensions of the tous azimuths modernisation of Chinese naval forces, the development of China’s anti-access capacity has recently elicited considerable interest. The important link between this capacity and an overarching vision of the use of force – i.e. a naval doctrine – has, however, often been left implicit. This article shows that the particular development of China’s naval anti-access forces – more precisely, forces with an impact on the naval balance – can be explained by a shift of China’s naval doctrine towards a distinctly pre-emptive posture, which, itself, stems from the set of constraints imposed by the framework of ‘local war under informationised conditions’. 相似文献
4.
文俊生 《武警工程学院学报》2012,(3):31-33
《中华人民共和国人民武装警察法》（以下简称《人民武装警察法》）颁布实施已经两年了,相关法律问题的争议和研讨从未停止,人民武装警察执勤行为如何定性就是其中之一。本文从人民武装警察的主体性质、军事性质行为与行政性质行为的特点,以及执勤行为发生的具体时空等角度进行分析,提出了自己的看法。 相似文献
5.
黄艳芳 《武警工程学院学报》2011,(1):26-27
武警部队依法执行国家赋予的安全保卫任务时,通常政治敏感度高、事发紧急、政策法规性强、舆论关注力度大。针对以上特点,部队要严格依据《人民武装警察法》有关规定,忠实履行职责使命,不断提高把关定向能力、核心军事能力、依法办事能力和科学管理能力。 相似文献
6.
董萍 《武警工程学院学报》2010,(3):60-62
武警初级任职教育教学特点决定着学科方向建设和发展。而学科方向对学科建设具有决定性的推动作用。武警部队初级任职教育院校要针对影响学科方向的问题,结合武警部队需要和院校建设特点,搞好学科方向建设。 相似文献
7.
孙梅 《中国人民武装警察部队学院学报》2011,(9):16-18
河北公安边防总队通过实施爱民固边战略,发挥了乡村先进文化对社会软治理的引领作用,用承栽着乡村先进文化内容的、群众喜闻乐见的形式来影响群众,从而实现了社会协调,加深了沿海地区村民对于社会的认同感以及对于社会价值的遵从。 相似文献
8.
Covell Meyskens 《The Nonproliferation Review》2019,26(5-6):499-517
ABSTRACTThis article examines Chinese views of North Korea’s nuclear-weapon program during the Donald J. Trump administration. It shows that China has portrayed itself as a responsible country that promotes regional stability, unlike the United States, which has engaged in military brinkmanship with North Korea. Some Chinese foreign-policy experts have asserted that Beijing should back Pyongyang in the event of war because of their shared history of humiliation by great powers, while others have favored working with other regional partners. Another theme in Chinese discourse about North Korea is that Pyongyang is an impetuous, ungrateful regime that impedes Beijing’s ability to attain its core interests of regional stability, economic development, and heightened global influence. This negative assessment of North Korea drove Beijing’s endorsement of stricter UN sanctions in 2017. While Beijing has punished Pyongyang for its wayward policies, China responded favorably to North Korea’s decision in April 2018 to stop nuclear tests and partake in international dialogue. Beijing seeks to help Pyongyang gradually disarm and develop its economy within a Chinese-led East Asian order. The article concludes by explaining how Beijing’s recent, more positive view of Pyongyang is likely to affect its support for American efforts to dismantle North Korea’s nuclear-weapon program. 相似文献
9.
William Moon 《The Nonproliferation Review》2019,26(5-6):613-634
ABSTRACTAs the United States and North Korea pursue negotiations on a “denuclearization” agreement, the two countries should consider initiating cooperative measures as a way to build confidence and encourage finalization of a complete agreement. Based on lessons from the initial engagements carried out under the Cooperative Threat Reduction (CTR) program in states of the former Soviet Union (FSU), initial cooperation should focus on safety and security, training, and infrastructure elimination. By offering to implement these initiatives now while negotiations are underway, the United States could gain additional insights into North Korean intentions. These early initiatives could be proposed without compromising the US maximum-pressure campaign on North Korea by using the current authorities of the CTR program and carefully designing specific exemptions that may be required for any agreed measures. If North Korea is truly interested in pursuing disarmament efforts, the initial cooperative projects would enable them to begin reaping potential benefits while negotiations continue with sanctions still in place. These initial proposals could also be expanded to include additional international partners such as Russia, China, South Korea, and Japan. Such programs and initiatives would support and supplement longer-term strategies to address North Korean weapons-of-mass-destruction challenges. 相似文献
10.
本文通过分析《2019中国军事与安全发展报告》,指出美国对中国军事信息化进程缺乏统一评判标准,歪曲中国军事信息化理念,带来消极的国际影响。借助文本分析和实地参会,得出美国借助政策文件污蔑宣传,歪曲中国技术获取途径,联合盟国制衡,以此限制中国军事信息化发展的战略企图。原因是特朗普政府缺乏专业技术背景人才,美国无法取得军事网络领域的战略优势和中美在网络主权领域存在理念差异。并提出中国政府应对的策略建议:如学会应对崛起带来的挑战,积极参与网络空间军事合作和规则制定和争取网络领域话语宣传的主导权。 相似文献