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1.
Sylvie Loua 《African Security Review》2013,22(1):56-58
ABSTRACTNatural resource-based conflicts continue to occur in different parts of Nigeria with negative implications. This study investigated the phenomena of natural resource conflicts vis-à-vis their propensities to impact political economy and national security negatively. Data for the study were sourced from theoretical and empirical evidence. Empirical data were sourced from existing studies selected on the basis on their relevance to the study and analysed based on their content. The limitation to this approach is the obsolete and subjective nature of some the literature. This limitation was, however, addressed among others through the author’s knowledge of the issues under study. The study found that Nigeria is enmeshed in conflict over ownership, distribution, access to or competition over natural resources such as petroleum resources and agricultural land and these conflicts have undermined democracy, human rights, the economy and the nation’s security. The paper identified poor resource governance, environmental factors and poor political leadership as the causes and drivers of these conflicts. It recommends natural resource governance among others, as a way out of the problem. 相似文献
2.
The growth and survival of the field of conflict resolution can only be attained if practice is used to generate theory, rather than a reliance on the current situation where theory attempts to direct practice. Some conflict resolution practitioners believe that theory and practice cannot be separated. This article evaluates the art of mediation using Zimbabwe as a case study, where the strategy was used in an attempt to resolve the Zimbabwean conflict that began in 1999. Employing primary and secondary sources, the article delineates the major characteristics of mediation and clarifies principles of the strategy. It further establishes the affinity and dissonance between practice and theory. In addition, it asserts that in the Zimbabwean case, the achievements of insider-partial mediation as a strategy were limited. In the long term the mediation strategy failed because the Government of National Unity did not fulfil all the outstanding issues enunciated by the global political agreement as a precursor to free and fair, credible and legitimate elections. In opposition to the mediation targets towards sustainable peace, Zimbabwe witnessed rushed elections before the accomplishment of the issues at stake, leading to the overall failure of the insider-partial mediation. 相似文献
3.
Kai A. Konrad 《Defence and Peace Economics》2016,27(4):520-534
This paper considers evolutionarily stable decisions about whether to initiate violent conflict rather than accepting a peaceful sharing outcome. Focusing on small sets of players such as countries in a geographically confined area, we use the concept of evolutionary stability in finite populations. We find that players’ evolutionarily stable preferences widen the range of peaceful resource allocations that are rejected in favor of violent conflict, compared to the Nash equilibrium outcomes. Relative advantages in fighting strength are reflected in the equilibrium set of peaceful resource allocations. 相似文献
4.
苏荟 《兵团教育学院学报》2014,(2):28-32
中国特色的现代大学治理是大学政党权力、行政权力、学术权力等多元权力优化配置和协调平衡的制度保障;现代大学治理下如何处理和配置好大学的多元权力,构建现代大学治理下的权力保障制度,应建立多方参与的董事会制度、党政联席会议制度、教授主导下的学术制度、教师学生参与决策管理的监事会议制度等。 相似文献
5.
This paper explores the hypothesis that both the preexisting quality of democracy in a polity at the onset of conflict and the quality of democracy expected to emerge in the aftermath influence the likelihood of civil war. An empirical investigation of the hypothesis presents a challenge due to concerns of endogeneity and selection: the post-conflict level of democracy is endogenous to the pre-conflict level. Further, for a given time period, either a number of countries have not experienced civil war; or if they did, did not resolve the conflict. We overcome this selection bias by implementing a three-step extension to the Heckman procedure using an unbalanced cross-country panel of 77 countries over the period 1971–2005. Consistent with our hypothesis, we find that a standard deviation improvement in the existing level of democracy reduces the probability of civil war by approximately 9 percentage points and a corresponding improvement in expected post-conflict democratization increases the probability of conflict by approximately 48 percentage points. 相似文献
6.
贺国辉 《中国人民武装警察部队学院学报》2003,19(4):95-96
思想政治工作是我党我军的政治优势 ,是团结全党和全国各族人民实现党和国家各项任务的中心环节。面对新的形势 ,新的特点 ,如何使思想政治工作更具有实效性 ,是部队思想政治工作面临的重大理论问题和现实问题。 相似文献
7.
钱爱娟 《武警工程学院学报》2014,(3):4-6
强军目标是新时期军队建设的行动纲领。思想政治建设必须围绕强军目标展开。军队思想政治工作受所处环境的影响和制约。贯彻强军目标创设良好的思想政治工作环境,首先要从本单位自身做起,建设净化优美的军营“小环境”,塑造军营环境的“奋斗之关”“陶冶之美”“形象之美”,增强思想政治工作环境的推动力、感染力和约束力。 相似文献
8.
方爱山 《兵团教育学院学报》2003,13(4):49-51,55
随着时代发展和我国高校毕业分配制度的变化,新时代的大学生应具备一定的创业素质。为此,高校思想政治教育应对大学生创业发展的需求采取相应的措施。 相似文献
9.
Gil Friedman 《战略研究杂志》2013,36(1):41-67
This study reports and explains a cluster of deviations from the basic rational criteria of national liberation strategy exhibited by ‘inside’ West Bank Fatah leaders during the al-Aqsa uprising, based on an analysis of public statements of three such leaders. The leaders fail to recognize that their attempt to deter Israeli offensives by threatening to reciprocate them with attacks inside the Green Line is sabotaged by Islamists independently attacking inside the Green Line; inadequately attend to the distinct possibility that attacks within the Green Line increase Israeli opposition to desired concessions on refugees and territory; and appear to occasionally get swept-up in the sentiment that reciprocating Israeli aggression is inherently just. The study elaborates and examines the possible roles in these strategic deficiencies of leader strategic desperation; rage and indignation; and the political need to satisfy widespread popular militancy. The study's logic complements existing asymmetric conflict research and can inform research beyond the Palestinian–Israeli case. 相似文献
10.
The economic value, social status and symbolic meaning of small arms are particular and temporal in nature. This is demonstra ted through a historical account of the dynamics of cultural change and adaptation in Nuer society. Specifically, the article shows how attitudes towards small arms shif ted over time from a positive valuation of guns as prestigious objects, to ambivalence between the need for protection and the experience of increased local lawlessness and violence. More generally, it demonstrates how weapon-rela ted activities can only be fully understood when seen against a specific cultural background. Even if the display, use and circulation of weapons appear to carry cross-cultural references, typically as expressions of power and masculine identity, the meaning is always primarily local. Therefore, strategies to reduce the destructive impact of small arms through demand side programs, based on voluntary participation, can only be carried out successfully if built on an in-depth understanding of a particular cultural context. 相似文献
11.
国家经济力量是军事力量的唯一源泉,军队的战斗力大小是军事力量强弱的重要标志,提高战斗力是军队一切工作的核心。但是,经济力量并不等于就是军事力量和战斗力,要把经济力量变为军队的战斗力还要经过一系列的转化过程。其整个转化过程可分为三个步骤,即经济力量向保障力量要素的转化;保障力量要素向保障能力的转化;保障能力向战斗力的转化。认真研究这些转化过程和转化环节,掌握其转化途径、方法和转化机制,对于促进和加快转化速度,提高转化效率和军队战斗力,具有十分重要的现实意义,是加强质量建军,实现两个根本转变和做好军事斗争准备的关键。 相似文献
12.
加强高校青年教师思想政治工作的思考 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
王钢 《兵团教育学院学报》2005,15(3):16-18
高校青年教师已成为高校教学科研的骨干力量,加强高校青年教师思想政治工作是高校当前一项紧迫而重要的战略任务。本文通过对高校青年教师的思想现状和存在问题原因分析,提出加强高校青年教师思想政治工作的对策。 相似文献
13.
Michael Fitzsimmons 《战略研究杂志》2013,36(3):337-365
The premise of most Western thinking on counterinsurgency is that success depends on establishing a perception of legitimacy among local populations. The path to legitimacy is often seen as the improvement of governance in the form of effective and efficient administration of government and public services. However, good governance is not the only basis for claims to legitimacy, especially in environments where ethnic or religious identities are politically salient. Some experience in Iraq suggests that in environments where such identities are contested, claims to legitimacy may rest primarily on the identity of who governs, rather than on how whoever governs, governs. This article outlines the intellectual foundations of existing policy and doctrine on counterinsurgency, and argues that development and analysis of counterinsurgency strategy would benefit from a greater focus on the role of ethnic and religious identity in irregular warfare. 相似文献
14.
Classical geopolitics,realism and the balance of power theory 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Zhengyu Wu 《战略研究杂志》2018,41(6):786-823
Since the end of World War II, classical geopolitics as a particular form of realism has been disengaged from the development of mainstream realist theories. This disengagement has not only concealed the value of classical geopolitics as a framework of analysis for policy and strategy, but also created an increasing rift between theory and policy in contemporary realist theories. This paper seeks to reengage classical geopolitics with mainstream realist theories by clarifying its realist traits and analytical characteristics, (re)stating its core propositions and probing into its potential contribution to the development of mainstream realist theories. This paper contends that classical geopolitics, while having a distinctive pedigree, can arguably be considered an integral part of the family of realist theories in view of its basic theoretical assumptions concerning international anarchy, the unit of analysis and power politics. As a framework of analysis, classical geopolitics incorporates three interrelated strategic propositions. Those three propositions not only constitute the theoretical core of classical geopolitics, but also manifest a peculiar balance-of-power conception that is essentially distinct from those proposed by mainstream realist theories. This paper argues that those three propositions combined promise to fill in prominent lacuna in the balance-of-power research programme, and also have significant implications for contemporary world politics. 相似文献
15.
NOEL STOTT 《African Security Review》2013,22(3):4-11
A truly universal ban on anti-personnel mines cannot be realized without engagement of armed non-state actors and armed groups operating outside state control, including rebels and national liberation movements. Events after 9/11 have complicated engagement with organizations that can be classified as ‘terrorists’. Yet, the use of anti-personnel landmines itself can be viewed as an act of terrorism and African leaders have, on various occasions, classified the use of landmines and the presence of unexploded ordnance as engendering insecurity and a serious impediment to development. The success of a total ban ultimately depends upon ensuring that armed non-state actors act in accordance with international humanitarian law. The Geneva Call Deed of Commitment for Adherence to a Total Ban on Anti-Personnel Mines and for Cooperation in Mine Action (DoC) might be described as an alternative instrument to the Anti-Personnel Mine Ban Convention and can serve an important and impartial channel of communication with non-state actors. Already 18 armed groups in Africa have signed the Geneva Call DoC. 相似文献
16.
高校思想政治理论课教师的人格魅力体现在政治上的党性修养、道德品质上的奉献精神、广博学识上的学术精神、思维理念上的创新精神。这些独树一帜的人格魅力在教学过程中发挥着其独到的作用,不仅能够提升思政课内在的吸引力和感染力,还能够构建和谐融洽的师生关系;不仅能够提高思政课教育教学的品质和成效,还能够回归思政课教育教学的最终目的。因此,高校思政课教师需要提升政治修养、锻造道德品质、丰富理论储备、开发创新思维来提升自身的人格魅力,从而保障思政课教育教学的最终目标得以实现。 相似文献
17.
习近平同志强调要\"打造一流新兴媒体,掌握网络时代话语权\"。军队网络政治工作话语权关系到军队的安全、意识形态安全甚至国家安全。文章研究,积极适应网络信息化发展的新特点,主动占领网络阵地,不断掌握网络政治工作话语权,注重熟识军队网络政治工作的特点、分析网络政治工作存在的问题、创新网络政治工作的发展路径。文章指出,当前,提升军队网络政治工作话语权必须增强网络话语设置自觉,促进网络话语广泛传播,主动参与网络话语交锋和提高网络政治工作教育话语能力。 相似文献
18.
本文对以液氧/煤油为推进剂的发生器循环和分级燃烧循环方案进行了分析,求出了各种循环方案的最大室压,给出了室压、推力、燃烧室混合比和喷管出口直径对发动机比冲和系统平衡参数的影响,并探讨了平衡参数对效率、涡轮压比和发生器(或预燃室)混合比等设许参数变化的敏感性 相似文献
19.
高丽 《兵团教育学院学报》2012,(4):43-46
兵团是在新疆特殊区域内承担特殊使命的屯垦戍边组织,作为由国家教育部和新疆生产建设兵团共建的兵团高校,大学生政治社会化则直接关系到复杂严峻人文环境下新疆地方和兵团的稳定与发展,关系到兵团文化的传承、兵团精神的弘扬及兵团事业的推进后继有人的大问题。因此有必要对兵团高校大学生政治社会化的有关问题进行探讨。 相似文献
20.
Soumyanetra Munshi 《Defence and Peace Economics》2013,24(3):261-292
This paper considers the case of Kashmir to examine the relation between the people of the contested land (Indian-occupied Kashmir) and one of the nation states claiming it (India, in this case) in a game-theoretic framework. The motivation for this paper was whether it was possible to rationalize the lack of democratic space in Kashmir, relative to other states in India (especially since the founding fathers of the country had announced such democratic practices to be the guiding principles of the new nation) and at the same time, a highly rigid stance of the Indian Government on the Kashmir issue. An otherwise standard political economic model is used to capture how the way in which citizens determine their allegiance to one or the other nation state (India or Pakistan) can, in turn, affect the nation state's (India's) policies towards the contested land. I conclude that if the Indian Government perceives allegiance of the citizens to be determined primarily by partisan preferences of the citizens, not so much by their preferences for policies, then the government rationally concentrates on minimizing its disutility due to deviations from its ‘most-favorite' policy. This understanding rationalizes the policies of the Indian Government towards Kashmir. More importantly, it points towards areas that need consideration for any peace-making process to take-off. 相似文献