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复杂电磁环境作为信息化战争的突出特征,对野战指挥所的作战效能有着重要的影响。文章系统的分析了复杂电磁环境的特点,阐述了复杂电磁环境对野战指挥所的各种影响,提出了野战指挥所在复杂电磁环境下的伪装对策。 相似文献
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从近期几场局部战争的实践看,人防指挥所已成为空袭的首选目标。在高强度、高精度、高烈度的综合火力打击下,如何提高人防指挥所自身生存能力,已成为一个亟待解决的课题。 一、构建多点布局、相互连通的人防指挥工程体系,实施机动指挥 在未来防空袭斗争中,人防指挥工程抗击敌导(炸)弹的直接命中将十分困难,单纯追求以深求存的防护措施已不能完全适应防空袭斗争的需要。因此,必须着眼高技术条件下空袭作战 相似文献
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顾名思义,“应急通信系统”(Emergency Communication system)是应付紧急情况时使用的通信系统。在民事领域,紧急情况包括各种天灾人祸,范围很广,很多国家建有国家应急通信系统。而在军事领域,由于军事行动本来就带有紧急性,作为军事术语的“应急通信系统”所对应的“紧急情况”,应该有所特指。笔者认为,在军事上的“急”,指的是“在最险恶的战争环境下、特别是在核袭击之后,当指挥所各种常规的通信手段均被敌摧毁、以致面临通信中断的紧急时刻”;这时用来保障最低限度通信联络的系统,就 相似文献
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杨坤 《中国人民武装警察部队学院学报》2014,30(11):73-77
当前,边境安全形势复杂、训练理念陈旧、部队勤训矛盾突出、训练内容与安排不合理、训练保障能力有限等主客观因素,制约着公安现役部队非战争军事行动训练的开展,对公安现役部队形成非战争军事行动战斗力构成了挑战。树立科学的非战争军事行动训练指导思想与理念,创新训练方法和手段,优化训练内容,加强教员队伍建设和训练基地建设,是改进非战争军事行动训练的有效对策。 相似文献
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Abdur R. Chowdhury 《Defence and Peace Economics》2016,27(5):583-608
We examine the role of war in retarding state fiscal capacity in developing countries, measured by tax revenue ratios to GDP. We build a simple theoretical model of a factionalized state, where patronage substitutes for common interest public goods, along with violent contestation over a rent or prize. Our dynamic panel empirical analysis applied to 79 developing countries, during 1980–2010, indicates that war, especially civil war, retards fiscal capacity, along with imperfect democracy, political repression, poor governance, and dependence on oil and macroeconomic mismanagement. High intensity conflict is particularly destructive of state capacity. In countries experiencing low intensity wars, other institutional factors may matter more than war. The diminution of fiscal capacity due to war appears less pronounced after the end of the cold war. 相似文献
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Christof Hartmann 《Civil Wars》2013,15(4):123-143
The article argues that there is a relative lack of territorial power sharing in sub-Saharan Africa, but that this should not surprise us given the socio-ethnic context of most African countries which lack both majoritarian ethnic groups and clear culturally based distinctions between contending groups. A comprehensive analysis of the various federal systems and of some decentralising countries reveals a sobering record of conflict management and discusses some explanatory variables. In this context, forms of power sharing that include provisions on territorial autonomy, amounting to full-fledged federalism or restricted to some degree of decentralisation, should be regarded with caution. Regional autonomy as a solution to civil war will not work in most cases. 相似文献
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本文以描述常规战最基本的模型——Lanchester方程为基础,就影响作战效率的一些因素进行了分析并定量化地表现在作战模型中,然后运用有关系统学理论讨论了作战效率变化对战斗进程的影响程度。 相似文献
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Rajesh Rajagopalan 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(1):44-68
The Indian Army has a uniquely political approach to counterinsurgency that has had great success. This essay examines the development of this doctrine over the last five decades, and the political and operational factors that influenced its development. The most important of these factors was, and remains, the Army's positional‐war orientation, which puts great emphasis on the need to prepare for conventional war. Though the doctrine has undergone some evolution, such changes have been constrained by the positional‐war orientation. 相似文献
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Hadas Shabtay 《Defence and Peace Economics》2014,25(5):461-480
This study presents a framework and models for the analysis of government budget allocation into defense and civilian expenditures in situations of uncertainty about the incidence of war. The models display the intricate relationships between security levels, subjective probabilities of the occurrence of war, and potential war damages. We show that poor countries tend to perceive greater probabilities of war than their richer rivals, and that the psychological burden of insecurity is larger when the country’s wealth is larger and when its preference for security is higher. We apply our models to the Israeli–Syrian arms race and show that the higher rate of growth of Israel’s gross domestic product relative to that of Syria is expected to lead to an increase in Syria’s perception of the likelihood of war and to a decrease in Israel’s perception of such a likelihood. We also show that if Syria’s regime becomes ideologically more extreme, the monetary cost of maintaining Israel’s security at the level that it enjoyed prior to the change will be very high, whereas the monetary cost of maintaining Israel’s welfare will be moderate. 相似文献
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This study uses the Feder-Ram model in conjunction with the military Keynesian model to examine the nexus between defence spending and economic growth in Sri Lanka. We find that the Keynesian aggregate demand model is better suited to analyse the link than the Feder-Ram model for the case of Sri Lanka. Based upon our results we expect a higher economic growth rate in Sri Lanka if more public resources are diverted from the defence to civilian sectors of the economy, now that the war between the government and separatist guerrillas has come to an end. However, recent post war events cast doubt upon whether a diversion of sources from military to non-military spending will actually occur. We conclude that the sanguine predictions of our economic analysis are entirely dependent upon the political decisions of the Sri Lankan government for their realization. 相似文献
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Rod Thornton 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(3):139-159
Much intellectual effort in the post‐Cold War US Army has been put into examinations of how best to conduct MOOTW and urban warfare. One of the main problems for the Army in this respect is the fact that these operations require a good deal of initiative to be displayed by troops at the lowest command levels. This has not normally been forthcoming. There is, in the Army, a ‘zero‐defects’ culture that is stymying the necessary initiative. Only when this culture has been properly appreciated and tackled will the Army that has proved itself so adept at the ‘big war’ be able to conclusively tackle the ‘small war’. 相似文献