反恐之重

钟声悠扬,历史的脚步跨入了崭新的2010年。但满载人们美好祝愿的钟声却未能驱散恐怖主义的阴魂。年终岁末,世界不同地方发生的恐怖袭击和威胁,让人们不得不面对一个现实：尽管国际社会不遗翕力地打击恐怖主义,但恐怖威胁并未消除,国际反恐形势依然严峻。反恐,依然是2010年的重中之重。     

反恐,中国军队在行动

“9·11”事件后,国际社会面临的恐怖主义威胁日益严峻。为了有效打击这股邪恶势力,尽早铲除人类社会的这个毒瘤,近年来,中国政府和军队不断加强与周边国家的反恐交流与合作,共同打击分裂主义,极端主义和恐怖主义“三股势力”。仅2006年,中国军队就先后参加了中塔“协作-2006”、中巴“友谊-2006”联合反恐军事演习,使反恐合作取得新的突破。     

反恐战争财务保障研究

近年来,我国也面临着恐怖主义的严重威胁。我军肩负着打击恐怖主义的神圣使命。如何搞好反恐战争财务保障,需要我们认真加以研究。一、反恐战争财务保障特点从近年来世界上发生的恐怖事件来看,恐怖分子由于在力量上无法与政府相抗衡,因此在使用恐怖手段上就无所不用其极。这对各国政府和人     

二十世纪美国反恐情报应用模式初探

美国作为较早受到恐怖主义威胁的西方发达国家,自20世纪70年代逐渐发展起了一套完善的执法体系,并积累了成熟的执法经验,特别是信息化时代背景下,美国执法部门的反恐斗争渗透着强烈而鲜明的信息情报色彩,是“情报导侦”理念和模式的现实体现,为我国执法与行动部门提供了一定的经验。其中的“威胁评估”综合情报分析模式是美国反恐情报工作的典型代表,对于预防恐怖主义犯罪起着特殊的作用。     

反恐:国际合作不可或缺

2004年西班牙马德里的梦魇还在使人们心有余悸,今年7月7日,大规模恐怖袭击又在英国伦敦爆发,致使50多人死亡、700多人受伤;7月21日,伦敦再次发生系列爆炸;7月23日,埃及沙姆沙伊赫相继发生5起爆炸,造成90多人死亡、200多人受伤。这些还不包括在伊拉克及世界其他地方上演的恐怖悲剧。在经历“9·11”以来的重重打压之后,恐怖主义为什么屡打不止,甚至“越打越恐”呢?“7·7”恐怖事件发生后,8国峰会立即发表声明:攻击伦敦就是攻击所有国家。中国国家主席胡锦涛在参加峰会时强调指出,中国政府愿同国际社会一道,加强合作,共同打击任何形式的恐怖主义。这充分说明,越来越多的国家已认识到,在恐怖主义走向国际化的今天,国际社会只有进一步团结起来,积极控索合作反恐之道,才能战胜恐怖主义这一人类公敌。     

我国反恐系统化处置机制的建构

恐怖主义是威胁当今世界和平与稳定的主要因素。“藏独”和“疆独”是我国当前面临的主要恐怖势力。传统单一性的反恐处置模式在打击恐怖主义时很容易陷入顾此失彼的困难境地。坚持立足全局和放宽视野,从系统化的角度提出一套反恐处置战略具有十分重要的理论价值和实践意义。在反恐处置机制中,要充分发挥法律战的基础性作用、情报战的先导性作用、经济战的根源性作用、心理战的瓦解性作用、舆论战的宣传性作用以及协作战的堵截性作用。     

特种反恐部队大扫描

打击恐怖主义是当今世界的主要任务,反恐特种部队是活跃在反恐第一线的主要力量。这些装备精良、素质优秀的部队一直以来都被笼罩在神秘的色彩之中,不被世人所知。本文就当前一     

试论反恐战略思维的形成和特点

冷战后特别是＂9.11＂事件后,反恐斗争日益被纳入各国安全和军事战略思维的视野,逐步形成了一种新的战略思维样态——反恐战略思维。找寻反恐斗争被纳入各国安全和军事战略思维视野的发展轨迹,并从战略思维的高度分析反恐斗争的经验教训,查找恐怖主义泛滥和反恐不力的原因,深刻揭示反恐战略思维的特点,有助于国际社会更好地展开反恐合作,达成反恐共识,取得反恐斗争的胜利。为有效地遏制、打击恐怖主义,反恐战略思维必须符合系统性、合法性、灵活性、敏锐性、合作性等要求。中国及其他绝大多数国家旗帜鲜明地反对一切形式的恐怖主义,主张在联合国的框架内加强在反恐领域中的国际合作,以维护人类的共同利益,促进世界的和平与发展。     

多措并举的2014年国际反恐

时值年末,回首2014年,全球先后发生恐怖袭击事件9000余起,共造成18000余人死亡,其中半数以上发生在伊拉克、巴基斯坦、阿富汗、印度、菲律宾、泰国、尼日利亚、也门、叙利亚和索马里。一年来,为打击和根除恐怖主义,国际社会虽付出了巨大努力,取得了一定成效,但由于恐怖主义的产生、发展与蔓延有着复杂的历史、社会、政治、经济、民族与宗教背景,短时间内还是难以遏制,世界反恐怖形势仍十分严峻。当前,我们正在经历恐怖主义的一次回潮,值得引起国际社会的高度关注和警惕。     

城市反恐作战特点及对策

城市反恐作战,是针对城市一系列恐怖活动而实施打击的特种作战。其作战对象,主要是有恐怖暴力、暴乱、叛乱倾向活动的恐怖主义组织、分裂主义组织、各种极端主义组织和游击武装等。恐怖,犹如一个阴暗的幽灵,自古即已有之。18世纪以前,各国发生的恐怖活动基本以暗杀、投毒为主,形式简单,爆发频率低,范围以国内为主。随着国际环境的变化,民族分裂主义、极端宗教主义和恐怖主义不断膨胀,恐怖活动已发生质的变化,爆发频率越来越频繁。恐怖袭击已成为各种非法武装和组织所惯用的一种重要行动方式,由过去独立分散逐步走向国际化;袭击手段也已由过…     

关于新时期反恐情报分析模型的建构

反恐情报分析是反恐情报工作的重中之重,建构反恐情报分析模型不仅是新时期公安大情报发展的必由之路,同时也为新时期反恐斗争拓宽了解决途径。     

新疆边境地区恐怖活动特点及打击对策

近年来以“东突”为主的恐怖势力在新疆边境地区活动十分猖獗,呈现出联合,渗透对象多元、低龄等特点。公安边防部队地处边境一线,任务艰巨,责任重大,要通过加强反恐情报建设、健全装备保障体制、加强战法研究与战术训练、加强边境管理以及加强国际警务合作等多种对策,不断提高部队打击和防范恐怖活动的能力与水平,为维护边疆稳定做出贡献。     

Counter-terrorism in the Horn of Africa: New security frontiers,old Strategies

The US-led ‘war on terror’ dramatically changed America's security strategy towards Africa. But more fundamentally, it threw the Horn of Africa on the centre stage of global counter-terrorism. A double-edged blade, counter-terrorism has at once catalysed peace processes and intensified insecurity, with Islamic radicalism at the core of the regional storm. Governments utilised the threat of terrorism for political ends, defending old security paradigms that prioritised regime stability over human security. Africa integrated counter-terrorism into its emerging security agenda, but insufficient funds, operational constraints and poor coordination with international initiatives have hampered meaningful progress. Washington, laudably, launched a robust counter-terrorist campaign, but its high-handed military-heavy style put fragile democracies at risk while lapses in its overall policy risk triggering proxy wars. This essay examines the impact of counter-terrorism on security in the Horn of Africa. It argues for stronger coordination between national, regional and international initiatives to curb international terrorism.     

Drone Strikes and Grand Strategy: Toward a Political Understanding of the Uses of Unmanned Aerial Vehicle Attacks in US Security Policy

This article analyzes the political utility of US drone strikes theoretically and deductively. Placing strikes within the context of the theorized political functions of force and considering how they fit into two grand strategies, restraint and selective engagement, I argue that these strikes buy the United States relatively little in the way of political effects assuring its own security because the terrorism threat they are intended to combat is a limited one within the skein of US global interests. Furthermore, their contribution to counter-terrorism efforts is likely to diminish with the adoption of armed drones by non-state actors. Drone strikes can, however, provide leverage over recalcitrant US client states while reassuring liberal partners and giving them some leverage over US choices. In addition, within the counter-terrorism sphere, drone strikes are less likely to inflame popular opinion than are alternative uses of force. This analysis contributes to an increasingly rigorous examination of the strikes’ role in US foreign and security policy.     

The ligaments of counter-terrorism regime: sexual violence and the vicarious traumatisation of female non-governmental organisation workers: evidence from Nigeria

ABSTRACT

There is a dearth of studies on indirect victims of sexual violence in counter-terrorism efforts. Using Nigeria as a case study, this paper argues that global and state-level counter-terrorism policies have generally failed to account for the psychological effects of the engagement of female NGO workers in counter-terrorism operations or mitigating the effects of terrorism in conflict zones. Specifically, there has been an increase in sexual violence perpetrated by some members of the security agencies involved in counter-terrorism operations in North-eastern Nigeria. As a result, female NGO workers carry out Medicare, psychosocial counselling and advocacy for these victims. Female NGO workers become exposed to the trauma of victims of sexual violence, which affects their mental health and thus performances in counter-terrorism activities in the country. This altered their worldview on issues of safety even among secured locations or among the presence of security agents and reinforced feelings of powerlessness.     

Determining a role for a military ombudsman in the South African National Defence Force

In recent years, South Africa has come to be used by international terrorists as a safe house, for paramilitary training purposes, as a base from which to plan attacks on other countries and as a conduit for financial transactions. South Africa's own counter-terrorism initiatives have been labelled ‘reactive’ by analysts. Indeed, the existing counter-terrorism regime suffers from a lack of political will to issues of corruption and ineptitude bedevilling the security apparatus of the state. However, using lessons learned from other countries, Pretoria can yet turn the tide against international terrorism by adopting more pro-active measures and by undertaking steps aimed at the depoliticisation and decriminalisation of the security forces.     

Assessing the role of the African Union in preventing and combating terrorism in Africa

The period after 9/11 can be characterised as the terrorism moment in world history. Every actor in international relations—the state, regional, continental and international as well as civil society organisations—has been mobilised to combat what, apparently has been conceived as a common security threat to humanity. The transformation of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) into the African Union (AU) was a divine coincidence at a time when multilateralism and international cooperation were being challenged by the threat of terrorism. In the post-9/11 period, the main concern of the Union has been to reinforce and implement existing counter-terrorism instruments adopted at the continental level in coordination with states and regional organisations. This article discusses and appraises the endeavours undertaken by the AU and its precursor organisation, the OAU, in tackling and dealing with the threat of terrorism despite limitations to its human and financial resources. In recognition of the nature of the states in Africa and the challenges facing the Union, we argue that the role of the AU remains critical in order to fill the gaps where its member states or regional mechanisms are lacking. In this regard, we stress that the role of the AU should be complementary and serve as an interface between the continent and the international community, including the United Nations.     

适用于公共安全领域的多功能警用无人旋翼机

与直升机和固定翼相比,无人旋翼机对起飞场地的要求较低,具有低能耗、高功效、不易受环境因素影响等优点,适合安保部队的任务需要。为了进一步提高其作战性能,以无人自转旋翼机为平台,添加多种操作功能,完成宣传威慑、高空监控、杀伤性与非杀伤性攻击等任务,进而实现无人自转旋翼机的多功能化。     

The politics of counter-terrorism in post-authoritarian states: Indonesia’s experience, 1998–2018

ABSTRACT

The separation of the Indonesian national police (POLRI) from the military (ABRI), now named the TNI, in 1999 led to transfer of domestic security role from the armed forces to POLRI. On one hand, POLRI has a greater role in internal security, particularly in countering terrorism. On the other hand, TNI continually attempts to reassert its dominance in the field of counter-terrorism. Previous studies on the subject place the issue in the context of the early days of democratisation. This paper aims to contribute by counting latest developments, notably the rise of new terrorist groups and recent counter-terrorism legislations. We argue that institutional rivalries between the POLRI and the TNI, and the military's determination to reclaim a greater role in domestic security have become an impediment to achieving successful counterterrorism efforts. This article also examines the development of military reform against the backdrop of the military's disproportionate and growing influence.     

海警部队海上反恐斗争面临的形势及对策

近年来,国际海上恐怖活动日益增多,公安海警部队海上反恐斗争形势严峻。为此,部队必须适应海上恐怖活动的特点,完善反恐工作机制,制定有效的反恐策略,切实提高海上反恐作战能力,以维护国家海洋权益及海上安全。