试论国防教育的本质

国防教育的本质是什么?有的说是社会思想教育,有的说是爱国主义教育,有的说是国防精神教育。这些提法都是从国防教育的地位、作用等角度肯定国防教育的意义,而没有真正抓住国防教育的本质。本质是事物诸要素的内在联系。国防教育的要素包括教育对象、教育条件、教育内容、教育目的等,其中根本的要素是教育对象和教育目的。因此,国防教育的本质应当从教育对象与教育目的的联系中去寻找。国防教育的对象是全体公民,国防教育的目的是增强国防实力、保卫国家安全。从这个角度分析,国防教育的本质可以概括为“关于国家和公民根本的共同的长远的利…     

书记县长情注国防——云南鲁甸县县委书记何升灿、县长余伟关心武装工作记事

居安思危,有备无患。在搞好国防建设的同时,何书记还非常重视国防教育。黔南州开设了国防教育专栏,依托各县(市)人武部在青年民兵、山村农户中普及国防知识教育,利用橱窗展、图片展及赶场日上街进行宣传等,使国防教育深入人心。同时,还开辟了国防教育基地32个,州内独山民族中学、贵定雪茄烟厂等国防教育基地还被评为“贵州省国防教育系统先进单位”。     

我国普通高校国防教育主要成就与基本经验--30年的回顾与总结

自1985年开展大学生军训试点以来,我国普通高校国防教育已走过30年的历程。30年来,高校国防教育工作取得了较为显著的成绩,积累了一定的宝贵经验。基本经验主要有：各级教育行政部门及各级各类高校必须统一思想、提高认识,高度重视国防教育工作;制定健全国防教育规章制度,建立完善高校国防教育组织机构;坚持国防教育贴近学生、贴近时代,创新教育内容和方式方法;紧密结合国防教育实践进行理论研究;坚持抓好国防教育教师队伍建设。     

经中共四川省委人民武装委员会审议,省委宣传部、省教委、省军区政治部联合颁发 四川省国防教育大纲(摘要)

《大纲》第1个问题是论述了国防教育的地位和作用。指出,国防教育,是从国家和民族的利益出发,有领导、有组织地在公民中进行的灌输国防知识,培养国防意识和精神,提高保卫祖国和建设祖国的各种素质的活动。国防教育是一个国家和民族必不可少的基本教育。     

丹棱县在国防教育中坚持“四个结合” 处理好“六个关系”

四川丹棱县在抓国防教育中,始终坚持“四个结合”和处理好“六个关系”,有力地促进了国防教育的深入开展。“四个结合”是:国防教育与全民政治教育结合,在政治教育中穿插国防教育内容;基地教育与经常性的教育相结合,使国防教育做到常抓不懈;灌输教育与启发式教育相结合,以增强国防教育的感召力;国防教育与行业教育相结合,增强国防教育的吸引力。“六个关     

应尽快建立领导干部国防教育的规范机制

领导干部作为各级政权建设的决策者,不仅是国防建设、国防教育的组织者,也是国防教育的被教育者和重点教育对象。领导干部的国防观念强不强,对加强国防建设、搞好国防教育至关重要。但在实际工作中,由于没有建立有效的运行和监督机制,领导干部往往因为忙于经济工作等原因而使其国防教育难以得到有效落实。为此,必须尽快建立领导干部国防教育的规范机制,确保领导干部国防教育落到实处。一要规范领导干部国防教育的具体内容。当前,各级领导干部的国防教育还没有统一的大纲和教材,各地在组织教育时随意性大,影响了教育质量的提高。要搞好领导干…     

论公民终身国防教育的实现

国防教育是建设和巩固国防的基础,是增强民族凝聚力、提高全民素质的重要途径。江泽民同志曾指出,要重视在全体人民中进行国防教育,增强国防意识,国防教育要作为公民的终身教育,坚持不懈地抓下去。公民终身国防教育要以被教育者成长所经历的阶段为轴线,构建教育主体网络体系,区分教育内容重点,从而实现公民成长各阶段国防教育的“无缝链接”。一、在教育对象层面上,保证公民从幼年、少年、青年、壮年到老年各阶段接受国防教育的连续性国防教育,虽然是特殊的教育活动,但也必须具备一般教育活动的三要素。一是受教育者,即教育实践活动的对象。…     

扩大国防教育面

哈尔滨市邮政局积极探索国防教育新路子,他们根据本单位的实际情况,不断扩大教育面,使国防教育在全局职工普及,逐步走向正规化、制度化。为了使国防教育从单一的民兵教育走向普及全局的正规轨道,他们成立了国防教育编写组,以《中国民兵》杂志和上级军事机关编发的教材为依据,结合国内外形势,编写了既适应民兵国防教育,又适应普及全局职工国防教育,针对性较强的教育教材,使教材正规化;把国防教育纳入全局职工政治教育课程之中,对党员、干     

加强国防教育 升华爱国主义

江泽民同志强调指出,把国防教育纳入思想教育总体系,是由国防教育的社会性和长期性决定的。对公民进行国防教育,应当“成为对公民进行以爱国主义为主要内容的全社会性的教育活动。”江泽民同志的论断,深刻揭示了国防教育的本质。可以说,爱国主义是国防教育的核心和灵魂,国防教育是爱国主义教育的永恒主题。在改革开放和社会主义市场经济条件下,加强国防教育,升华爱国主义,是我国思想教育总体系中需要认真研究解决的一个重要课题。 一、国防教育的社会意义和本质 江泽民同志在《国防教育应纳入思想教育总体系》一文中,对国防教育的社会意义、性质、方针和对象都     

不能以国防教育代替经常性的政治教育

把国防教育等同于政治教育,以国防教育代替经常性的政洽教育,是片面的。国防教育与政洽教育二者是两个不同的概念。国防教育旨在弘扬以爱国主义为基调的国防意识,增强民兵的国防观念。政治教育的内涵是极其丰富的,其中包括思想道德教育、社会主义、共产主义理想信念教育、马克思主义理论教育以及遵纪守     

Ethnicity,class, and civil war: the role of hierarchy,segmentation, and cross-cutting cleavages

Why are some countries prone to ethno-nationalist conflict, whereas others are plagued by class conflict? This is a question that has seldom been raised and rarely been examined empirically. This paper presents a social-structural theory to account for the variable incidence of these two forms of political instability. These two types of conflict result from distinct principles of group solidarity – ethnicity and class – and since each individual is simultaneously a member of an ethnic group (or many such groups) and a particular class, these two principles vary in the degree to which they are mutually exclusive or cross-cutting. The degree of economic stratification between groups and economic segmentation within them shapes the relative salience of each principle of group solidarity in any society and is associated with a characteristic form of political mobilization. In places where between-group inequalities are high, and within-group inequalities low, ethnicity should be the dominant principle of group solidarity and serve as the primary basis of group conflict. By contrast, in countries where between-group inequalities are low, and within-group inequalities high, class is more likely to serve as the dominant principle of group solidarity, and conflicts along class lines are more likely. We test these conjectures with data in over 100 countries on cross-cutting cleavages, ethnic war, and class conflict. The results are supportive of the theory, and provide evidence that how groups are stratified and segmented in societies shapes the type of civil war.     

Rossellini,Pontecorvo, and the neorealist cinema of insurgency

This article examines the tradition of Italian neorealism and the importance it has for films depicting guerrilla insurgencies. It looks in particular at the two films by Roberto Rossellini Rome Open City and Paisa as well as the later film by Nanni Loy Four Days in Naples. It then proceeds to locate Gillo Pontecorvo's iconic film The Battle of Algiers within this neorealist tradition and examines the degree to which the director succeeded in continuing the basic traditions of neorealism into the context of the Algerian war of Independence. The article concludes that while this film remains of great interest it should be situated in the period when it was produced and is in many ways radically disconnected from many insurgent movements of the present day.     

Shifting power,preventive logic,and the response of the target: Germany,Russia, and the First World War

If a declining state has incentives for preventive war, the rising state should have incentives to delay a confrontation until it is stronger. We develop the theoretical paradox and examine the July 1914 crisis. Why did Russia, rising relative to Germany, not adopt a buying-time strategy? We argue that although most Russian leaders hoped to avoid a confrontation, they feared that the failure to support Serbia would lead to a loss of Russian credibility and a significant setback to Russia’s position in the Balkans, one that could not easily be reversed, even with Russia’s expected increase in relative military power.     

Risk,War, and the Dangers of Soldier Identity

The profession of arms is distinct from other professions for many reasons. One reason which is not so obvious is that, unlike members of other professions, soldiers may go their entire careers preparing for a day that never arrives. All things considered, we should think this to be a very good thing. For soldiers, however, this can feel somewhat odd, since there is a natural desire to want to feel useful and to see one’s role and purpose find realization. Accordingly, the common soldier is forced to adopt a rather paradoxical mindset, one of longing for peace, and therefore for uselessness, while at the same time longing to be useful, which would entail that there be a war. This latter desire to be useful and to vindicate one’s identity as a soldier can sometimes take on an unhealthy life of its own. The pull of wanting too strongly to live up to a warrior identity, I argue, can sometimes skew a soldier’s ability to assess risk rationally. This article will therefore investigate how a soldier’s concept of self influences his or her overall capacity to evaluate risk in war and when such influence might become morally problematic.     

North Korea,deterrence, and engagement

The Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) justifies its nuclear weapon arsenal with the concept of deterrence. It means that it will try to miniaturize and modernize its warheads and missiles. This leads to a first-use doctrine of nuclear weapons. Obama's policy of engagement does not offer a solution to the North Korean nuclear issue as yet. In the context of its policy of critical engagement with the DPRK, the European Union has three key interests: regional peace and stability, denuclearization, and human rights. The Conference on Security and Cooperation (CSCE) could be a precedent. The CSCE process was based on three “baskets”: security, economics, and humanitarian. The multilateral Trans-Pacific Partnership is a step in this regard. This article looks at three theoretical approaches: realism, liberal institutionalism, and liberal internationalism. It concludes that a political strategy to create a stable North Korean peninsula has to go beyond nuclear deterrence that is based on the realist notion of balance of power.