东南亚国家新军备热潮大扫描

斯、英国和波兰等国总值数亿美元的防空导弹、直升机和坦克,2003年5月宣布将斥资9亿美元向俄购买18架苏 -30MK多功能战斗机,拟斥资11亿美元购买至少4架空中预警机,正在寻购适于配备机载警戒与控制系统的飞机。泰国近年已从美国购进52架F-16A和F-16B战斗机。缅甸斥资1.3亿美元向俄订购的10架米格-29战斗机已于2003年3月到货并装备部队。频繁举行军演强化多边军事合作近年来,东南亚国家之间、区域国家与区外国家之间的联合军事演习,呈现数量多、规模大、科目多的特点。尤其是美国以帮助反恐为名加强了与该地区国家的军事合作,促进了美军在…     

金融危机与金融数学

本文从东南亚金融危机出发,介绍了金融工程与金融数学的基本内容,特别介绍了获得１９９７年诺贝尔经济学奖的Ｂｌａｃｋ－Ｓｃｈｏｌｅｓ工作,提出对开展金融数学研究的见解。     

中国优秀传统军事文化治军重典之启示

中国数千年优秀传统军事文化蕴藏着朴素的的战略思维和战略智慧,这不仅见于某些传统经验的例解中,而且常作为核心要素,影响着王朝的军事国策方向。"好战必亡""忘战必危""国家大柄,莫重于兵""欲治兵者,必先选将"等治军名典,其精妙思想于今仍有启迪现实和未来国防之作用。     

亚洲地缘冲突板块与我国的安全环境

亚洲地区冲突原因复杂 ,由来已久。本文着重从地缘冲突板块理论的角度考察中东 (大西亚 )、中亚—南亚、亚太 (大东亚 )和北亚四大冲突板块如何以不同方式、不同程度影响亚洲和平与发展的大局 ,对中国安全环境构成多方向、多样化的挑战 ,并认为冲突板块的特殊性、连动性、持久性和时代性特征客观上要求中国发挥亚洲地缘重心的作用 ,带动亚洲各国树立以发展促安全的新型安全观 ,建立信任与合作的亚洲政治经济新秩序 ,科学系统地建立亚洲的整体安全战略 ,团结亚洲各国共同维护亚洲的安全与稳定。     

War and punishment the implication of arms purchases in maritime Southeast Asia

While there is no arms race currently underway in Southeast Asia, there should still be concern for the effects of a regional arms buildup. No state currently possesses, or is seeking to possess, the capabilities necessary to dominate the core territory of its potential adversaries. However, the types of weapons being procured favour punishment based strategies that are highly unstable and war‐prone. Geographic vulnerability to blockade and interdiction make Southeast Asia's security dilemma particularly acute.     

Rising bipolarity in the South China Sea: the American rebalance to Asia and China's expansion

This article synthesizes three elements of power and balancing in the South China Sea (SCS): analytical perspectives on China's behaviour and intentions, the American rebalance to Asia and the dispositions of American allies and partners. Based on extensive interviews and theoretical analysis, it concludes that ‘soft balancing’ backed by American military power provides the optimum chance for resolving the growing dispute. Short to medium-term weakness of Malaysia, Philippines and Vietnam, as well as Japan, means the United States must provide much of the military power while working to build their forces. The most promising alternative is multilateral diplomacy through the Association of Southeast Asian Nations’ Regional Forum, a vehicle for negotiating a Code of Conduct and implementation of the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea. If China remains motivated mainly by defense of realist interests, the costs imposed against expansion will eventually cause recalculation of Beijing's strategy, and soft balancing by the United States and its partners has a chance of working. The constructivist perspective, stressing self-conceptualization of Chinese strategic culture, supports Chinese confidence that patience will eventually bring dominance. If China tries offensively to change the status quo, soft balancing is less likely to influence Beijing. President Xi Jin Ping appears to be offensively asserting power, seeking regional dominance before he is due to step down in 2023. This supports the finding of enhanced risks of unintended escalation in the SCS and the East China Sea.     

The Kashmir conflict in South Asia: voices from Srinagar

This article looks at the Kashmir conflict in South Asia, which has been going on since 1947, when India and Pakistan became independent from British colonial rule. After looking at some historical background, the article looks at both the external dimension as well as the internal dimension of the conflict. The external dimension tends to focus on Indo-Pak relations over Kashmir and the internal dimension looks at India's repressive state policies within the state of Kashmir. This article uses Mary Kaldor's “New War” thesis as a theoretical framework to understand the situation and pays special attention to the conflict's very complex and multifaceted nature. The article argues that although the levels of violence have differed from time to time in the region since 1947, today the conflict seems to have less to do with Indo-Pak relations or the external side of things and has more to do with the internal dimension and India's undemocratic ways within Kashmir. Today, Kashmir is one of the most militarised conflict zones in the world. The stationing of the Indian military and paramilitary forces in the region has only exacerbated the situation since it is the security personnel who cause much of the problem. The Armed Forces Special Powers Act gives these security forces extraordinary powers in the region, which they often abuse. The armed forces have no real understanding of the local culture or sympathy for local religious sentiments. Poverty, corruption, administrative failure, police brutality, identity politics and human rights abuses are some of the key features associated with this conflict. Methodologically, a number of interviews were carried out with the local people in the region recently. From the data gathered through the interviews, it is very obvious that the people still feel very oppressed and that the situation is still very volatile, fraught with uncertainty. Finally, after making an assessment of the situation, the article tries to suggest methods of peaceful building and conflict management as the way forward.     

中亚来疆留学生的跨文化适应分析

实现跨文化适应是高校留学生教育的核心问题。由于地域相近、文化同质、主体民族同构等因素使得中亚来疆留学生的跨文化适应具有与其他地域院校独特之处。本文从环境适应、语言适应、人际交往适应、心理适应等方面分析中亚来疆留学生的跨文化适应的现状,借鉴跨文化适应的成功经验,根据新疆与中亚的社会经济文化提出相关改进措施。