基于大脑本征信号的光学功能成像技术

对脑功能内源光学成像技术的研究与进展情况进行了较系统的论述。首先对内源光学成像技术的基本原理进行了介绍 ,然后对该技术进行了分类 ,并将内源光学成像技术与其他脑功能成像技术作了比较分析 ,最后对内源光学成像技术的研究发展及其应用前景指出了一些可能的方向     

关于火灾模拟技术应用和发展的思考

火灾模拟技术为性能化设计提供依据和分析手段,促进了消防技术的发展。对火灾模拟技术进行了综述,介绍了火灾模拟技术在防灭火工作中的应用,对我国火灾模拟技术发展进行了展望。     

水面光电探测技术研究进展分析与展望

文章围绕水面光电探测技术,对该技术的内涵特点、适用范围以及主要用途进行了概括介绍．对近些年来国外在水面光电探测技术方面的发展进行了梳理,分析列举了光电探测技术发展的若干趋势,并分析了目前国内外技术间存在的差距,最后对发展我军水面光电探测技术值得重点关注的研究方向进行了分析并提出了自己的建议。     

国外爆炸物检测技术综述（一）——痕量爆炸物检测技术

本文首先简要介绍了我国所面临的爆炸恐怖成胁,对现有的爆炸物检测技术进行了系统分类,详细论述了国外的痕量爆炸物检测技术,并对个别技术的优缺点进行了比较分析。对了解国外爆炸物检测技术有一定的参考价值。     

颠覆性技术对武器装备发展的影响及思考

当今世界,科技创新蕴含着无限机遇和巨大挑战,颠覆性技术发展必将对武器装备建设产生深刻影响。文章从对颠覆性技术的基本概念探讨出发,分析了颠覆性技术对武器装备发展的影响,研究了主要大国发展颠覆性技术的主要做法,最后给出了推进我国颠覆性技术发展的几点思考。     

论军事技术和装备保障的关系

探讨了军事技术与装备保障相互影响的一般原理,对陆军装备技术进行了简单分类,并对各类技术对装备保障的影响进行了重点探讨,以期能对陆军装备保障的发展有所启示。     

军事战术数据链信息传输技术研究

对军事战术数据链信息传输技术进了研究,从"无线通信系统"角度论述数据链信息的传输与通信技术。介绍了数据链信息传输频段与信号传播方式;给出了数据链通信系统的一般模型,论述了数据链通信传输中涉及的编解码技术、调制解调技术、复用复接技术、通信安全与抗干扰等技术;并对战术数据链发展趋势进行讨论。     

第三层交换技术与应用

本文介绍了当前网络通信领域非常流行的第三层交换技术。首先介绍第三层交换技术的产生,然后对第三层交换技术的协议栈模型及技术原理进行介绍,最后对第三层交换技术的一些典型实际应用作了简介和比较。     

故障预测技术综述

把握新军事变革机遇,加快信息化建设步伐,对军事装备进行有效的质量监控和故障预测是技术保障的重要内容。阐述了故障预测技术,系统地介绍了现有的、比较有代表性的故障预测技术方法,并叙述了其优缺点;最后重点对故障预测技术的发展前景进行了展望,指出了该研究领域当前需要进一步研究的问题和发展方向。研究故障预测技术对提高装备的维修和保障能力具有十分重要的意义。     

用于静电放电EMP实验的三模冗余技术

通过对TMR(Trip le Modu lar Redundancy)容错技术的分析和研究,介绍了一种基于FPGA芯片的TMR整体“硬化”技术,并分别对采用了TMR技术的电机容错控制系统和未采用TMR技术的一般电机控制系统进行了ESD EMP的辐照效应实验,得出TMR技术可有效增强控制系统抗ESD EMP能力的结论。     

‘God willing,I will be back’: Gauging the Truth and Reconciliation Commission's capacity to deter economic crimes in Liberia

Recently, in July 2012, the high-profile and bitterly fought nine-month race for the post of Chair of the African Union (AU) Commission, between Dr Jean Ping of Gabon, and his main challenger, Dr Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, culminated in the latter's victory. Her victory came after the deadlock at the Eighteenth AU Summit in January 2012. Borne out of the considered need for a quick fix through reliance on a vote of expediency, the election of Dr Dlamini-Zuma represented a political resolution to the crisis that arose due to the earlier ongoing electoral deadlock. Far from being a competitive election by design, the 2012 AU Commission election by default became transformed into an intensely fought campaign that put the AU in the limelight. This article briefly introduces the electoral process, explains in detail the voting behaviour of AU member states, and offers five specific reasons for the victory of Dr Dlamini-Zuma. On the surface the election looks very competitive, but the article explains why this is not the case. To create greater competition for these posts, the AU needs to overhaul the nomination process and the voting procedure. In this regard, the article proffers detailed analysis and proposes a radical revision of the existing criteria for the nomination. The article also proposes specific recommendations for the amendment of the rules of procedure of the AU Assembly to allow for a qualified majority as a deadlock breaker in the fifth round. It also assesses whether the integrity of the AU Commission election was damaged during the campaigning and voting process. In this regard, it recommends the development of a code of conduct for future elections at the AU.     

The case for Azawad

Since Mali achieved independence from France, the marginalised Tuareg population of Mali has sought independence and the right to form their own nation, ‘Azawad’. These efforts have continuously been frustrated by the Tuaregs' neighbours, due to competing nationalist pride and interests in the mineral resources believed to lie under the northern Malian soil. Thus far, the Tuaregs of northern Mali have been largely neglected and denied both inclusive and effective governance by the various Malian governments from the southern Malian capital of Bamako. When negotiations have failed, Tuareg attempts to seize their own independence through violence have been brutally crushed by the Malian government. The Malian government will neither advance the interests of the Tuaregs nor allow them the freedom to pursue their own path in the world. The advent of the ‘Arab Spring’ in Libya provided another opportunity for the Tuaregs to pursue their dreams of an independent Azawad. Tuareg fighters returning from Libya carried with them both considerable combat experience and stockpiles of arms that they used to temporarily free their homeland. Unfortunately, the Tuaregs' whirlwind conquest of northern Mali was undone by the emergence of a new transnational threat in the Sahel. Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) supplanted the previously victorious Tuaregs and attempted to turn Azawad into a Taliban-esque caliphate. French intervention defeated AQIM, but set the stage for a continuation of the cycle of violence and instability borne from the unwillingness of the international community to support the Tuaregs' legitimate right to self-determination.     

2015 and the survival of the Nigerian State

Nigeria is currently faced with serious domestic challenges. While the state is not officially at war, it is standing on the precipice, especially with the eruption of violence occasioned by the emergence of the Boko Haram sect and the tenuous peace in the Niger Delta. With the 2015 general elections on the horizon, fears of further violence and disintegration are rife, more so because of the debate over who occupies the Presidential Villa at Abuja. President Goodluck Jonathan, a southerner, seems poised for a comeback even amidst the vociferous challenge posed by the political elites of northern Nigeria. This article looks at the different scenarios that might play out in 2015. It analyses the challenges of the survival of the Nigerian state, and makes some policy recommendations that Nigeria and its people need to put into place in order to ensure its survival beyond 2015.     

Land power in the age of joint interdependence: toward a theory of land power for the twenty-first century*

This essay outlines a theory of land power. After explaining the absence of such a theory, the article establishes the modern context for such a theory, specifically within the concept of joint interdependence. The analysis defines key terms and premises behind the theory, to include a definition of land power. The argument then outlines the national elements of power that contribute to a theory of land power. The analysis next applies the theory to the fundamental purposes of military power: defeat, deter, compel, assure, shape and support to the nation. The analysis then tests key definitions, supporting premises, and utility of the theory. The essay argues that historical experience validates the applicability and utility of the theory, and offers a solid basis for extrapolating the validity of the theory into the near future.     

COMPREHENSIVE NUCLEAR-TEST-BAN TREATY

President Barack Obama has pledged to secure the ratification of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT), which was previously rejected by the U.S. Senate in 1999. This article attempts to predict the potential implications of Washington's ratification for the treaty's future by analyzing the positions and options of the eight other essential holdouts. The authors conclude that without the United States to hide behind, facing domestic and international constraints, and lacking substantial strategic reasons to remain outside the treaty, most holdouts will move toward ratification. Nonetheless, the process is likely to be time consuming, and several of the key actors remain unpredictable.     

Desert insurgency: lessons from the third Tuareg rebellion

This article provides an in-depth examination and analysis of the 2006–2009 Tuareg rebellion in Mali and Niger. It identifies the underlying reasons behind the rebellion, explores contrasting counter-insurgency (COIN) strategies employed by the two governments, and presents some lessons learned. While both COIN approaches ultimately produced similar peace settlements, the article argues that the Malian strategy of reconciliation combined with the selective use of force was far more effective than the Nigerien iron fist approach at limiting the size and scope of the insurgency and producing a more sustainable peace. It concludes by looking at the role of external actors, particularly the United States, and how the failure to internationalize the conflict was actually more beneficial to the local COIN effort, as well as to the longer strategic interests of the United States in the region.     

含孔洞铜板复合材料修复疲劳寿命数值分析

用ANSYS有限元软件对复合材料修复含中心圆孔钢板的疲劳寿命进行了数值分析。研究了孔洞大小、补片长度、宽度和厚度对钢板疲劳寿命的影响;分析了复合材料胶接修补的效果,并对修复所用的复合材料补片的大小及厚度进行了优化设计。研究结果表明,利用复合材料胶接修补带中心圆孔的钢板可以使其疲劳性能提高1.6~18倍。修补时,增加补片宽度和厚度都可增加结构疲劳寿命;补片宽度为孔径8倍以上时,增加宽度对疲劳寿命影响不大;补片的长度为孔径的3~4倍时,修复效果最佳。     

Reduction of global effects on vehicles after IED detonations

Global effects caused by the detonation of an IED near a military vehicle induce subsequent severe acceleration effects on the vehicle occupants. Two concepts to minimize these global effects were developed, with the help of a combined method based on a scaled experimental technology and numerical simulations. The first concept consists in the optimization of the vehicle shape to reduce the momentum transfer and thus the occupant loading. Three scaled V-shaped vehicles with different ground clearances were built and compared to a reference vehicle equipped with a flat floor. The second concept, called dynamic impulse compensation (DIC), is based on a momentum compensation technique. The principal possibility of this concept was demonstrated on a scaled vehicle. In addition, the numerical simulations have been performed with generic full size vehicles including dummy models, proving the capability of the DIC technology to reduce the occupant loading.     

境外行政主体制度研究

行政主体理论自行政法成为公法重要组成部分时便成为行政法几个核心理论之一。自《中华人民共和国行政诉讼法》实施以来,行政主体理论研究成为我国行政法理论研究的重点之一。我国关于行政主体的内涵及外延,学术界各抒己见,至今缺乏统一的论断。境外一些行政法理论发达国家和地区的行政主体制度对于我们具有借鉴意义。     

Afghanistan after the Soviets: From jihad to tribalism

In 1989 the Soviet Union withdrew its forces from Afghanistan leaving the embattled Afghan Communist government of President Mohammad Najibullah to fight against an emboldened mujahideen insurgency. Most experts expected a quick mujahideen victory once the Soviets were no longer directly involved in counterinsurgency operations in support of the Afghan government. But in the spring of 1989 the Afghan Communists beat the odds and defeated a mujahideen rebel offensive designed to capture the eastern city of Jalalabad. This proved to be a turning point, and for the next three years the Najibullah regime held out against the mujahideen ‘freedom fighters’. In fact the Afghan Communist regime actually outlasted its sponsor the Soviet Union. The reasons for this remarkable achievement can be traced, in part, to ethnic–tribal divisions among the quarreling mujahideen parties and the Afghan government's ability to exploit them. This largely untold story has obvious implications for understanding the future of post-Karzai Afghanistan, tribalism, ethnicity, and foreign sponsorship in post-US Afghanistan. This article will explore the reasons for the resilience of the Najibullah Communist government and then assess possible implications for a post-2014 Afghan government.