以改革创新精神推进基层党组织民主和谐

党的十七大报告站在时代和历史的高度,着眼世情、国情、党情的发展变化,提出以改革创新精神全面推进党的建设新的伟大工程这一重大命题,并第一次提出了“以扩大党内民主带动人民民主,以增进党内和谐促进社会和谐”的建设原则和指导方针,着重强调“全面巩固和发展先进性教育活动成果,着力加强基层党的建设”的新要求,为基层党组织建设指明了民主和谐的前进方向。     

用“三大民主”凝聚官兵力量

胡锦涛主席在十届全国人大四次会议解放军代表团全体会议上强调：“要加强军队内部政治民主、经济民主、军事民主建设，深入开展尊干爱兵教育，进一步巩固和发展我军团结、友爱、和谐、纯洁的内部关系。”我们一定要按照胡主席的指示，大力加强我军“三大民主”建设，努力形成一种充分发挥广大官兵聪明才智的良好环境与和谐氛围，增强部队的吸引力和凝聚力，     

进一步加强企业文化建设

企业文化作为社会文化的重要组成部分应适应时代要求,要以更加宽广的视野、更加博大的胸怀来审视企业文化,更加自觉、主动地发展企业文化。一、凝聚人心、营造和谐氛围、增强合力,促进企业持     

培育和谐企业文化推进试飞院发展

构建社会主义和谐社会是以胡锦涛同志为总书记的党中央提出的重大战略思想。和谐社会的基本特征是“民主法治、公平正义、诚信友爱、充满活力、安定有序、人与自然和谐相处”。这28字所勾勒的社会主义和谐社会是一种美好的社会理想,也是一种和谐的文化状态。一个社会的和谐,     

军队文化管理的理论构建

在“文化人”理论假说的视野里,军队文化管理的实质就是智用文化管部队;为此,应当坚持以人为本原则、战斗力原则、文化竞争原则、创新发展原则,树立人本管理理念,建设先进军事文化,营造和谐军营氛围,提升官兵人文素质,充分发挥先进文化的战略管理职能、学习型组织职能、自我控制职能、育才型领导职能和内在激励职能。     

强化三个意识 构建和谐领导班子

和谐班子建设是和谐社会建设的重要组成部分。构建和谐的领导班子,必须纵观全局,从强化民主意识、责任意识、落实意识入手,着力在打造和谐谋事、和谐共事、和谐干事的领导班子上下功夫。一、强化民主意识,为构建和谐谋事的领导班子筑牢思想基础。和谐谋事是和谐班子建设的基础。和谐班子建设的本义是把不同性格、不同特长、不同角色的班子成员     

建设社会主义文化强国是发展中国特色社会主义的内在要求

建设社会主义文化强国是发展中国特色社会主义的内在要求。它与中国特色社会主义事业总体布局相适应,与建设富强民主文明和谐的社会主义现代化国家目标相承接,与我国深厚文化底蕴和丰富文化资源相匹配。既顺应时代潮流,又体现人民愿望;既符合实际,又催人奋进。     

强化三种意识构建和谐班子

构建和谐的领导班子,必须纵观全局,从强化民主意识、责任意识、落实意识人手,着力在打造和谐谋事、和谐共事、和谐干事的领导班子上下功夫。     

我国公民意识的演进

公民意识是构建和谐社会、扩大公民的国家的认同、增强公民主体意识不可或缺的非制度性因素,对于实现国家的繁荣富强和社会的和谐发展具有重要作用。本文通过对中国人公民意识演进的历史进行梳理,发现不同历史阶段有不同的因素影响了公民意识的发展。如:西方民主思想的启蒙,中国民主实践探索,中国民主法治制度的发展、公民教育的推进等对公民意识均有重要影响。由此得到启示:要加快我国公民意识的发展,应增强权利意识,加快制度建设、重视公民教育。     

社会主义和谐社会的价值诉求

构建民主法治、公平正义、诚信友爱、充满活力、安定有序、人与自然和谐相处的社会主义和谐社会,已成为当代中国的新主题。这表明,随着我国经济社会的不断发展,中国特色社会主义事业的总体布局,更加明确地由社会主义经济建设、政治建设、文化建设三位一体,丰富完善为社会主义经济建设、政治建设、文化建设、社会建设四位一体。建设这样的一个社会主义和谐社会,有着丰富的内涵,其中,利益多元化、共同富裕、以人为本,应是基本的价值诉求。利益多元化单一和纯粹,不是和谐,更构不成和谐社会。建立社会主义和谐社会的一切难题,来自我们选择了一个…     

论中国教育现代化中的依附性问题

按照依附理论,从历史发展的过程及社会结构的角度来看,中国教育现代化有很强的依附性特征。基于此,中国教育在其现代化过程中,必须在利用依附发展特性的基础上,摆脱、超越对西方发达国家教育的依附;中国教育现代化必须处理好与经济发展、政治民主、法制建设之间的关系,以此促进自己的现代化进程。     

儒家文化、东方式民主及其前景研究——以韩国、台湾和新加坡为例

儒家文化区因为近代的巨大溃败后的自卑、自强的需要而被迫启动了政治民主化进程。东方式民主就是描述儒家文化背景的国家和地区在政治民主化中产生的民主样式的一种集合概念。东方式民主有其自身基于儒家文化背景的鲜明特点,这些特点使得它具有了不同于西方式民主的特质。当前,具体说来东方式民主有嫁接式生成和扦插式生成的两种样式。东方式民主的前景问题值得深入探讨。     

Defense Burden and the Effect of Democracy: Evidence from a Spatial Panel Analysis

ABSTRACT

Do democracies spend less on national defense? This paper provides new evidence of the effect of democracy on defense burden based on a Spatial Durbin Model with panel data for 98 countries for the years 1992–2008. While democracy measured by means of an index variable covering the entire range from perfect democracy to perfect autocracy turns out to be insignificant, dummy variables indicating transition to higher levels of democracy reveal a statistically highly significant negative effect of democracy on a country’s defense burden. Allowing for country-specific effects reveals heterogeneity in the effect of democracy across countries. Apart from the effect of democracy, the estimation results indicate strong spatial dependence of military burdens across countries. Moreover, they provide statistical evidence for a peace dividend, for substitution effects in defense spending and for a negative effect on the military burden for countries when they exhibit a trade surplus instead of a trade deficit.     

Comment: Why “an identified systemic model of the democracy‐peace nexus” does not persuade*

In their article in this journal, James, Solberg and Wolfson (1999) challenge our findings that two states are more likely to have peaceful relations if they are both democratic. They claim to develop a simultaneous system of two equations showing that peace and democracy foster each other, and that the effect of peace in encouraging democracy is stronger than that of democracy on peace. Their analysis, however, is flawed. Their research design employs measures of dispute and joint democracy that are inferior to those now common in the literature, and their equation for predicting peace is not properly specified. These problems distort their results. Even so, their results provide evidence of the pacific benefits of democracy. Analyses we conduct with a more completely specified model reveal stronger support for the democratic “ peace. Furthermore, a test of the effect of interstate conflict on democracy should be done at the national (or monadic) level of analysis; but James et al. perform a dyadic analysis. In a monadic test using vector autoregression, we find that disputes make no contribution to explaining the character of regimes. Even with their dyadic method, their finding that peace promotes democracy is not robust Including a crucial control variable, the ratio of militarily relevant national capabilities, that James et al. omitted, dramatically alters their findings.     

试论军队院校师生互动的理想模式——一种权威与民主并存的模式

由于军队的纪律性与服从性,使得军队的院校教育模式多了一层神秘感。在军队院校中,师生之间如何互动,才能达到理想的教学效果,成了近年来研究的热点。军队院校中,教师的权威固然不可缺少,但是民主的氛围同样可以遍及课堂。权威与民主,两者并非对立。权威与民主并存,应该成为现今军队院校教育中师生互动的理想模式。     

Political transition to democracy

This paper argues that the crisis of electoral democracy in Zimbabwe and Cote d'Ivoire is a result of underlying structural and institutional deficiencies within national and regional multinational institutions. It assesses the extent to which they have been ‘enablers’ or ‘spoilers’ of electoral-based transitions to democracy. Yet it avoids generalisations of the security sector's involvement in political transitions. In terms of structure, the paper is divided into four sections. Section one will briefly discuss the theoretical perspectives of the election-democracy trajectory. It argues that although elections are a major variable for democracy, unless the ‘ecology of elections’ is conducive, elections may not be an instrument of transition to democracy. The second section analyses the militarisation of politics and the role of the security sector in aiding or stalling democratisation. Section three will assess the role of regional organisations such as the Southern African Development Community, Economic Community of West African States and the African Union in electoral-based political transitions in Africa. Lastly, the paper will discuss how the security sector and multinational African institutions can aid political transitions to democracy in troubled African countries.     

论民主及其内在关系

在人类政治文明的漫漫历史长河中,民主一直是人们苦苦追求的价值目标。但民主到底是什么,它的内在关系怎样？这恐怕是一个并没有完全解决好的理论问题。就这些方面作一些探讨,向读者展现现代人类历史上一个一以贯之的价值目标。     

Institutions,information, and commitment: the role of democracy in conflict

This paper explores the hypothesis that both the preexisting quality of democracy in a polity at the onset of conflict and the quality of democracy expected to emerge in the aftermath influence the likelihood of civil war. An empirical investigation of the hypothesis presents a challenge due to concerns of endogeneity and selection: the post-conflict level of democracy is endogenous to the pre-conflict level. Further, for a given time period, either a number of countries have not experienced civil war; or if they did, did not resolve the conflict. We overcome this selection bias by implementing a three-step extension to the Heckman procedure using an unbalanced cross-country panel of 77 countries over the period 1971–2005. Consistent with our hypothesis, we find that a standard deviation improvement in the existing level of democracy reduces the probability of civil war by approximately 9 percentage points and a corresponding improvement in expected post-conflict democratization increases the probability of conflict by approximately 48 percentage points.     

保障党员民主权利与党内民主的当前使命

党员的主体地位在本质上就是党员的民主权利。党员在党内当家做主,有效行使民主权利是党内民主的本质与核心,也是党员主体地位的本质与核心。党的十七大以来,党内民主业已成为党的建设的主旋律,全面推进党的建设新的伟大工程中当前时代新课题就是要回答“发展什么样的党内民主,怎样发展党内民主”这一时代新课题。而如何实现党员的主体地位,切实保障党员的民主权力,也H益成为党内民主建设的核心。发展党内民主,切实保障党员民主权利,从主观方面来看需要重视对党员民主素质的培养与提高,从客观方面来看需要着重于制度的精细化建设,在此基础上结合党员民主权利授予与行使过程这一载体,在党内决策、执行、监督各项“权力”运行过程中,确保党员民主权利的有效行使与主体地位的充分体现。     

Hezbollah: A Proletarian Party with an Islamic Manifesto – A Sociopolitical Analysis of Islamist Populism in Lebanon and the Middle East

This article examines the rising contention between a global foreign policy promoting liberal democracy in the Middle East and Islamist rejectionism. It provides a sociopolitical analysis of the phenomena of radical Islamist politics while focusing on the experience of Hezbollah in Lebanon. It associates the growth of Hezbollah, a political movement seen in various forms in several countries, with social class dynamics that have been antagonised by social inequality, opportunistic leadership, the importation of Western-ordered democracy and by perceived foreign intervention. By examining the root dynamic of Hezbollah in Lebanon, this article argues that poverty has provided the fertile ground for the growth of Islamic populism as a revolutionary movement and has represented a major reason for the rejection of democratisation and political reform. A global foreign policy that seeks to uproot extremism in favour of state-building and the advancement of democracy in the Middle East needs to be reoriented so as to help undermine class inequality and to strengthen government-sponsored public services programmes for the underclass.